
Class _X_2j_3_ 
Book_ ^ V^ 



Copyright N°, 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



Social Solidarity and Race 
Inequalities in the South 



BY 

E. FRANKLIN LEE, MA. 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE 

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



New York 
1911 



hZ/S 
■ L4-2 



Copyright 1911, 

BY 

E. Franklin Lee. 



©CI. A 8006 01 



PREFATORY 

The subject of this study was suggested to the mind of 
the author by one of Professor Giddings' lectures, the topic of 
which was the mixed character of the population of Greece. A 
somewhat similar treatment of conditions in the southern states 
of this country seemed possible. Moreover, the composition and 
character of the southern population in relation to social devel- 
opment through the period of slavery is in itself an inviting 
field for research and investigation. The field is interesting for 
a number of reasons, but particularly as affording an oppor- 
tunity to the investigator to ascertain the relative degree of like- 
mindedness and social like-response among a white, homo- 
geneous population, among whom there was but one dominant, 
absorbing industry, which had its main dependence in the insti- 
tution of slavery ; interesting also for the opportunity given for 
the application of the quantitative and comparative methods to 
data which are indicative of resemblances and differences in 
social and industrial development. By segregating and con- 
trasting the data found in the states and their divisions, we 
reasoned we should have more definite knowledge of re- 
semblances and differences described as static or dynamic; 
more exact ideas of life on the frontier borders in contrast to 
life on the alluvial bottoms, and better knowledge with which 
to approach still further inquiry into that vast domain of 
southern fallow country lying as yet inadequately explored by 
scientist or historian. 

This investigation concerns itself chiefly, though not alto- 
gether, with the period from 1790 to 1860. The term race 
consciousness is used in place of race prejudice as being less 
misleading. By social solidarity is meant the reactions of the 
aggregate population in social like-response to the totality of 
things which awaken common interests and unite the populace 
for the continuance and defense of those interests. By race 



inequalities is meant the native differences of the negro and 
white race, differences in density per square mile, and differ- 
ences in their economic and social conditions and their oppor- 
tunities. 

For numerous letters and reports I desire to express my 
appreciation to various Superintendents of public instruction 
in the southern states, to Road Commissioners, and Commis- 
sioners of Agriculture ; Heads of Departments of Labor and 
Printing, to the Department of Commerce and Labor at Wash- 
ington, D. C. ; to Hon. B. F. Grady, ex-Member of Congress 
from N. C, and to Prof. W. L. Fleming of the State Uni- 
versity of Louisiana. I desire to express my especial 
appreciation of the very great kindness of Mr. Erb and Miss 
Erb of the Columbia University Library ; to thank Mr. W. F. 
Ogburn for assistance in reading the proof texts, and for 
valued suggestions made by him. I desire to acknowledge 
my indebtedness to Prof. H. L. Moore for most val- 
uable suggestions and help in dealing with statistical data ; and 
to express my increasing gratitude to Prof. Franklin H. 
Giddings for the mental stimulation and quickening his lectures 
and thought have given me through the years of student-work 
under him. 

Most of all to my wife I am indebted for her constant in- 
terest and her invaluable assistance in collecting and prepar- 
ing materials for this work. 

St. Albans, L. L, N. Y. 
June 28, IQIL 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 

The Plantation, the Foundation of the Social 

System ........ 1 

CHAPTER n 

Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions ... 5 

CHAPTER HI 

The Social System Attacked . . . . .19 

CHAPTER IV 
The Defense of the Social System . . . .31 

CHAPTER V 
The Distribution and Growth of the Population by 

States ........ 46 

CHAPTER VI 
The Distribution and Growth of the Population by 

State-Divisions . . . . . .61 

CHAPTER VII 

The Role of the Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 82 

CHAPTER VIII 
The Persistence of the Social Forces . . .91 

CHAPTER IX 
Conclusion . . • . . • • 105 



CHAPTER I 

THE PLANTATION, THE FOUNDATION OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM 

In the early settlements of the English colonists in the 
New World, among the first impressions received by them 
must have been those of the climate and of the soil in the 
respective regions which were to play so large a part in the 
future of the nation. To the pilgrim-fathers landing at Ply- 
mouth Rock it was soon apparent that their life had to be 
sustained by a rigorous expenditure of manual labor, where 
only the rugged of limb and stout of heart were a match 
for chilling winds and a rocky, withholding soil. 

Quite otherwise was it with the colonists who took up land 
and a new home in Virginia and in the other southern colonies. 
It was their good fortune to come into a region for the most 
part salubrious of climate, fertile of soil and abounding in a 
variety of choice natural resources, all made easy of utiliza- 
tion by the lavish hand of nature. 

The combination of physical features found thus favor- 
able to agricultural pursuits, the natural adaptation of the 
South, especially to the cultivation of cotton, tobacco, rice 
and sugarcane, coupled with the abundance of land and slave 
labor as the most profitable means of agriculture, at once rend- 
ered this region attractive to the prospective planter. 

How well adapted to the life and health of the negro the 
South has been in its agricultural development can be easily 
shown from the records at different intervals of her history. 
In his Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth 
Century, P. A. Bruce says: "It is an interesting fact that 
of the twenty negroes who were imported in 1619, the first 
who had arrived in the Colony, not one had died previous to 
1624, an indication of the ease with which they stood the dele- 
terious influences of the climate. There was at this time no 
parallel instance in the history of the white servants."^ Tn his 
monograph in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Politi- 
cal Science, on Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina. Pro- 
fessor J. S. Bassett shows that as between the system of labor 
by white servants and that of slavery, the latter proved itself 

1 Vol. II. p. 107. 



2 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

the survival of the fittest. He says : "The negroes were fitter 
to be slaves than the whites and they remained masters of the 
field."i 

With such propitious prospects of an easy life, the old 
English manor readily suggested itself as the fittest model for 
the life of the planter. The southern plantation with its 
nucleus of houses, the lordly mansion of the planter occupy- 
ing the most commanding position, with abundance of fertile 
soil and an ever-increasing number of slaves for its tillage, 
formed the background and foundation of the social system 
of that period. 

The manner in which the events of early colonial history 
shaped themselves was by no means accidental. English custom 
and tradition were from the first destined to play their great 
role in America and especially in southern history. There was, 
however, not so much an imitation of English life in the 
southern planter, as a transplanting and engrafting of English 
life upon new soil. And even in the nineteenth century, the 
period we are particularly concerned with, the same was true, 
only to a much greater extent, for in this later time the induce- 
ments to such a life were vastly increased. 

Along with the persistence of English blood and cus- 
tom, there likewise persisted the phenomenon of an un- 
diversified industry. With the plantation as the unit of in- 
dustry and unskilled slave labor as the main dependence of 
the economic system, there could be but little possibility of 
modifying the established order in favor of diversity, even 
had there been a desire for such change. 

Uniformity of plantation life was a necessity plainly laid 
upon the planter, a necessity at once agreeable and welcomed. 
In discussing the policy of town-building proposed by the Eng- 
lish Crown in colonial Virginia, Bruce makes the following 
significant comment : "This plan of life was not possible in a 
country where the estates, owing to their extent, were remote 
from a common centre. Such a physical obstacle would have 
been insurmountable even if the natural leaning of the people of 
the Colony had been towards urban life. But this was not their 
inclination, and all the influences of tobacco culture tended to 
confirm their disposition in the opposite direction." Speaking 
further the same author says : "It is a significant commentary 



1 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, vol. XIV, p. 15. 



The Foundation of the Social System 3 

on the effect of the numerous laws which had been passed with 
a view to enlarging Jamestown, that Berkeley was especially 
directed to begin at this place the new attempt at town-build- 
ing in Virginia. Such was the recommendation which was 
necessary after all the carefully considered undertakings of 
fifty years. "^ 

With an undiversified industry, no division of labor, with 
large plantations, and with still greater tracts uncultivated, it 
was inevitable that there should be a sparseness of population, 
and that life on the plantation should be marked by its own 
peculiar isolation. Sparseness of population, poor transpor- i 
tation facilities, with not many railroads and perhaps fewer { 
good country roads, — all combined, meant scant communica-,' 
tion with the outside world.' The early period was clearly 
a time during which newspapers and periodicals did not flourish 
as now, especially in the southern part of the country. By a 
simple calculation, using the data as given in the U. S. census, 
one may readily obtain the following comparison in respect 
to differences between different states. The average number 
of persons per square mile in 1850 for the States of 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New 
Jersey, and Pennsylvania taken as a group was 82.25 ; for the 
year 1860 for the same group, 102.48 ; for the year 1870, 124.19. 
For the particular group of States we have undertaken to 
study, viz., Maryland, South Carolina, Kentucky, Virginia, 
Louisiana, Tennessee, Mississippi, North Carolina, Alabama, 
Arkansas, Georgia, and Missouri, for the year 1850, the aver- 
age number of persons to the square mile was 21.15 ; for 1860, 
25.77 ; for 1870, 28.97. Also for the latter group, the number 
of newspapers, periodicals, and magazines of all classes, from 
the dailies, tri-weeklies. etc., to the annuals, for the year 1850, 
was 650; for 1860, 1040; for 1870, 1238. For the same years. 
New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts together had 947; 
1131 ; 1634." Thus it appears that the northern group of states 
sustained an average number of persons to the square mile 
for this period of twenty years, more than four times that in 
the southern group, and that the States of New York, Penn- 
sylvania, and Massachusetts, with an area less than one-fifth 
that included in the twelve southern states, led by a very large 

1 Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, vol. II. pp. 

537 538 

2 Cf. Ninth Census U. S., Population and Social Statistics, p. 482. 



4 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

majority in the number of newspapers, periodicals, etc., pub- 
lished. All of these indices make clear some significent points 
of difference between what was on the one hand purely an 
agricultural region with a pronounced uniformity in occupa- 
tion and industry, and sparseness of population ; and what was 
on the other hand a region whose life depended on division 
of labor, diversity and variety of pursuits, and a corresponding 
density of population. 



CHAPTER II 

SOCIAL SOLIDARITY AND CLASS DISTINCTIONS 

In a region where the basis of wealth was ownership of 
land and slaves, in proportion as the various units of the popu- 
lation succeeded in the acquisition of these two forms of wealth, 
was their social importance and prestige increased. Under such 
a scheme the great landed class, the aristocracy, set the stand- 
ard and the type in matters of wealth and social preferment. 

First of all therefore among the distinct classes, as class 
formation was recognized and rated among southern people 
before emancipation, stood the wealthy planter whose land in 
acres reached into the hundreds and in many instances into 
the thousands, and whose slaves in number ranged from around 
fifty upwards to several hundreds, and occasionally to a thous- 
and and more. 

Says Professor Hart : "The great names in southern public 
life, such as the Butlers, Barnwells, Haynes, Brookses, Pinck- 
neys, Rutledges, and Hamptons of South Carolina; the Lees, 
Masons, Harrisons, Tylers, and Wises of Virginia : the 
Polks, Breckenridges, and Claibornes, of the west, were borne 
by members of families holding from fifty slaves up." The same 
author testifying of the peculiar charms belonging to these 
families of the first rank remarks further : "The Drayton man- 
sion, near Charleston, the fine old houses of Athens, Georgia, 
and such stately abodes as the Johnson-Iredell house at Eden- 
ton, still bear witness to a bygone generous life and profuse 
hospitality which impressed the visitor with the wealth and 
breeding of the south."' 

Professor Hart draws the further conclusion from certain 
statistical data, that in the year 1860 not more than five hun- 
dred thousand persons out of a total of nine million white 
persons in the South realized an appreciable income from 
slavery and that even within that privileged number a body 
of about ten thousand families was the ruling South in eco- 
nomics, social and political life.^ 



1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 68; cf. Smedes, Southern Planter, p. 34. 

2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 68. 



6 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

However, in an attempt to differentiate the uppermost class 
from all others in southern society it would not suffice to take 
account only of their superior rating in the number of slaves 
and abundance of land which they owned. In the social-mark- 
ing system theirs was a distinction far other and far rarer. 
The great and proud families of Virginia, the Carolinas, Ten- 
nessee, Kentucky, and the other southern States were sprung 
of forebears whose ancestral line had been distinguished in 
America and Europe generations before their time. The power 
and influence in all directions of such an aristocracy were 
fitting survivals from so great a line of antecedents. In order 
therefore to have a just and, withal, a correct estimation of 
the essential character and importance of the genuine aris- 
tocracy of the South in the days of slavery, it is necessary 
to reckon with the elemental factor of heredity. 

Next in order among the layers in the social strata, is that 
class of planters who held fewer slaves and less land. The 
great majority of this class owned probably from fifteen to 
forty slaves each and a few hundred acres of land. From 
descriptions of the leading families given by some authors it 
is evident that the two classes have been confused in the minds 
of many. Col. F. L. Olmsted in his books in which he de- 
scribes his journeys through the "Seaboard Slave States," and 
his "Journey through a Back Country," etc., although proving 
himself a close observer of the people among whom he traveled, 
has, nevertheless, failed to make adequate distinction be- 
tween the true aristocracy which set the standard and the type 
for the southern family, and the next lower rank in the planter- 
class. Among these there seems to have been a palpable lack 
of refinement in manners and tastes, and quite frequently a 
scant and niggardly measure of hospitality dealt out to the 
stranger within their gates. Professor Hart, however, recog- 
nizes the distinction in these words: "These great planters, 
everywhere accepted as the characteristic men of the south, 
were seconded by a far greater class of small, unprosperous. 
and unprogressive slave-holders. No writer saw so much of 
them as Olmsted, who gives us an unpleasant account of their 
poor houses, unwholesome food, and lack of comfort, thrift 
and refinement." ^ 



1 Slavery and Abolition, p. 69. 



Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 7 

Professor W. P. Trent in his introduction to Mr. Olmsted's 
"Seaboard Slave States," has made the following significant 
criticism : "The particular exception that it seems fair to make to 
Mr. Olmsted's general picture of the ante-bellum South, or 
rather to the limpressions it appears likely to produce, is based 
on the comparative absence from his pages of materials from 
which one can reconstruct the simple, pleasant, ingenuous, and 
rather dignified life led in both country and town by the older 
families of well-established social standing. In more than one 
place in his books Mr. Olmsted admitted freely the attractive 
qualities of this small but influential element of the population 
of the South, and it is very clear that he had direct knowledge 
of its ways ; yet it is equally evident that in the main, as was 
natural with such a traveler, his contact with small farmers, 
inn-keepers, tradesmen, and passengers in public conveyances 
made his book valuable as a picture of the Southern masses 
rather than of the Southern classes." ^ Again the same writer 
remarks : "But although the reader of 1856 lost little through 
the fact that he was not introduced to the more attractive side 
of Southern life, the reader of 1904 will suffer the disadvantage 
of being misled unless he remembers that side by side with the 
unlovely sights witnessed by our traveler flourished many of 
those social graces and virtues without the existence of which 
no such characters as George Washington and Robert E. Lee 
could have brightened the pages of American history." - Con- 
tinuing, the author says : "It should be remembered also that 
the thrifty and beautiful Valley of Virginia is not described in 
this book, that Charleston with its Old World charm receives 
but slight attention, and that there are evidences of Southern 
enterprise in spite of slavery which were inaccessible to Mr. 
Olmsted and are only now being slowly gathered by students 
of Southern history." ^ 

These criticisms of Mr. Olmsted by Professors Trent and 
Hart are but indicative of other facts that would serve our 
purpose of showing the distinction between the two classes of 
landed slave-owners. 

Among masters of slaves are to be numbered also the pro- 
fessional class, notably ministers and lawyers. It appears that 



1 Introduction Seaboard Slave States, p. XXXin, 1904 edition. 

2 Ibid., p. XXXIV. 

3 Ibid., p. XXXVII. 



8 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

there was one Bishop Polk of Louisiana, who owned in the 
neighborhood of four hundred slaves and that he made for 
them a "notably good master." ^ That there were ministers 
who were irrevocably opposed to slavery is almost too patent 
a fact for mention ; and yet as a class, it is seriously doubtful 
if they were any less slave-owning than the farmers ; not that 
they owned so many, but in proportion to their need of servants, 
they appear to have relied on the same means that the well-to- 
do members of their parish employed. It was a reversed case 
of "like priests like people." "Clergy, lawyers, physicians, col- 
lege professors, and the few scientific men were, for the most 
part, members of slave-holding families, and were completely 
identified with the great slave-holders in maintaining the insti- 
tution."" 

In various parts of the South, notably in the frontier 
regions were the free-hold farmers, who owned very few or 
no slaves, but who, with the aid of their own families and occa- 
sional hired help, tilled their own land and raised what was 
necessary for their families' consumption. From this class 
sprang Henry Clay and numerous other lesser lights who 
sooner or later came into prominence through sheer power 
of application and the force and might of their personal ambi- 
tions, as well as through the charm of many other of their 
personal characteristics. 

In addition to these foregoing classes there was still an- 
other class of whites who owned neither land nor slaves. 
Among these large numbers were squatters who from time to 
time moved from place to place and settled on the unclaimed 
public domain. Like roving bands of gypsies or half-nomadic 
people they moved to those regions where the pastures 
abounded and where wild game fell an easy prey to the skillful 
huntsman of the frontier ranges.^ 

The discussion of class distinction in southern society is 
not ended, however, so long as the negro is left out of ac- 
count. In the negro race during the period of slavery there 
were two well-defined classes, the slaves and the free-negroes. 
P. A. Bruce, for example, shows that the African-born negro 
imported into the United States and the American-born negro 



1 Of. Hart. Slavery and Abolition, pp. 70, 71. 

2 Ibid., p. 71. 

3 Of. Ibid., pp. 75, 76. 



Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 9 

were of different grades ; and that they were commonly recog- 
nized as such in the earher as well as in the latter days of colo- 
nial slavery. He says : "In the inventory of the property of John 
Carter, of Lancaster, one of the largest slave-holders in the 
Colony, great care was taken to distinguish the negroes of 
Virginian birth from those who had been imported, and there 
was a marked difference in their respective appraisements in 
favor of the former." ^ Miss Hobson in her book, "In Old 
Alabama," makes her principal character give expression to 
the same kind of distinction : "Come out here from Old Vir- 
ginia to Alabama, mixin' with these common niggers." To 
judge from numerous data, we see that it is not improbable 
that the difference in the treatment of the slaves in the older, 
seaboard states of the South and the lower group of states 
may have been due in part at least to an inherent, inbred differ- 
ence in the slaves of the respective regions. There seems to 
have been a kind of natural selection at work in respect to 
the negroes just as there was in respect to the whites. There 
was a greater number of native born negroes in the older states, 
and in this region where many of the slaves were sold off, it 
was but natural that the masters should be loth to part with 
their most tractable chattel ; and in the event of a sale, that the 
more stubborn and less desirable negroes would be taken by 
the anxious speculator to that farther southern country whence 
few returned. 

There was still another distinction made among the slaves. 
There were on the one hand the field hands, and on the other 
the domestic servants, of whom the latter class not infrequently 
proved themselves such invaluable assets to the master's house- 
hold that attachments between these servants and the master's 
family endured through life. So real was the slave's devotion 
to his master in numerous instances indeed, that in it one can 
see how happy an inferior and subject race could be when 
under the command of kind and feeling masters. 

There is much evidence of a similar nature which shows 
that the slaves themselves were in sympathy with the social 
life and economic conditions of that period. Mrs. Smedes' 
rehearsal of the old black mammy Harriet's contented condition 
is extremely interesting and withal fairly typical of the great 
number of the slaves who were happy in their freedom from 



1 Economic History of Virginia, vol. II, pp. 87,88. 



10 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

responsibility. She represents the old colored mammy as 
saying : — 

"When we came to Raymond marster say, 'This is the last 
town. If you want to buy anything, go in an' buy.' 

"So wee all 'eluded dat, seein' 'twas de las' town, we would 
go in an' buy. I went in an' buy cups an' saucers an' plates 
an' coffee-pot an' things. Den when we got to de Burleigh 
land we was all right I was jes' as well satisfied as eber I 
was in ole Figinny jes' as soon as I got settled."^ 

From 1830 to 1860 there was a growing apprehension in the 
minds of the masters concerning the irreconcilable conditions 
of freedom and bondage produced among like members of the 
same race. Long years before he voiced it in pregnant phrase, 
slave-owners truly had had premonitions and forebodings of 
the truth of Mr. Lincoln's dictum that a country cannot long 
endure half-free and half-slave, and soon took measures to 
discourage freeing the slaves and to eject free persons of color 
already among them. 

Legislation enacted in most of the southern states almost a 
generation before the Civil War is interesting as revealing the 
attitude of the South toward the free-negro. For example, in 
1831 Maryland enacted a bill "providing a board of managers, 
fund, etc., for the removal of free people of color to Liberia, 
in connection with the State Colonization Society."- Ala- 
bama in 1834 passed the following: "County courts may au- 
thorize owners for meritorious cause to emancipate, provided 
that the emancipated shall remove out of the State never more 
to return, etc.^ Mississippi by an act of 1831 required "all 
free negroes between sixteen and fifteen years of age to quit the 
State, or be sold for five years." ^ Louisiana in 1830 passed 
an act requiring "free negroes and mulattoes arrived since 
Jan., 1825, to depart within sixty days." The penalty was 
one year's imprisonment for non-compliance, and hard labor 
for life for the second offense.^ Every state in the South 
about this time or somewhat later felt impelled to deal with 
the double role which the negro had played, and was still play- 
ing either as free or as slave ; and, because the menace of the 

1 Smedes. A Southern Planter, p. 16. 

2 J. C. Hurrl. The Law of Freedom and Bondage, vol. II. p. 21. 

3 Code Section 2044-204S, and Hurd, vol. II, p. 151. 

4 Ibid., vol. IL p. 147. 
«Ibid., vol. II. p. IBl. 



Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 11 

free negro was palpably augmented by abolition sentiment 
from the North, now reverberating through the land and oc- 
casionally venting its rage, the legislators of the South, with 
marked unanimity, took steps to head off what might result 
in undermining their entire economic and social system. 

Thus far some account has been taken of the various classes 
and class distinctions which prevailed in the southen country 
prior to the emancipation proclamation. These distinctions 
have been emphasized with no intention of allowing them too 
much importance in the bearing which a frank and just estima- 
tion of them would admit them to have had on the general 
character and complexion of society. Judging from the some- 
what abundant and varied sources which have been consulted, 
the writer is inclined to think that any classification of the 
elements composing southern society during the period investi- 
gated, which insists on very rigid demarcations, is inadequate 
for purposes of scientific study. Most Southerners were aHke 
in their attitude toward the slaves and in their general opinions 
on social questions : there was solidarity of opinion but the 
wealthy classes were leaders, and others followed them with 
more or less intensity of feeling in accordance with conditions 
in their own localities. In a private letter the Hon. B. F. 
Grady, ex-Congressman from North Carohna, says : 'T think 
it worth while to remind you that in all the days up to 'carpet 
bag' rule magistrates in Virginia and North Carolina, and I 
suppose in other southern States, were appointed for life, or 
good behavior, by the legislatures ; that these ofificials were 
allowed no fees ; that the most honorable and financially-able 
men filled these offices ; that litigants paid no costs ; that when 
neighbors had a dispute, they usually went to these men, in- 
stead of lawyers, for advice ; that lawsuits were rare ; and that 
this system did much to perpetuate peace and good order in 
these States, and to keep alive the good will of all classes for 
what Northern traducers called 'Slavocrats.' Jefferson served 
as a justice of the peace ; so did William B. Giles and John 
Taylor of Carolina, after they had retired from the U. S. 
Senate ; and every prominent man that I knew in mv voung 
days had served or was serving, as a magistrate." This shows 
the likeness of feeling to which reference has just been made. 
The class distinctions which existed appear to have been 
flexible and void of class antagonism and class friction, such 



12 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

as might have existed but for certain psychological and social 
causes. In any attempt at analyzing the social forces which 
operated in the creation and maintenance of this social soli- 
darity among the people, notwithstanding traditional local dis- 
tinctions, one must get back to the elemental fact of the homo- 
geneity of the population among the whites as a primary and 
potent factor in the organization and stability of the social 
order. The entire State of North Carolina in 1860 contained 
only 3289 residents of foreign birth and although she had 
fewer perhaps than any other Southern state, she, nevertheless, 
was only representative of the South as a whole in its un- 
favorable attitude to immigration.^ 

Not only did the fact of homogeneity aid in uniting the 
people but the peculiar character of the organization of social 
life was likewise useful in fostering friendly relations among 
the people. The assimilative character particularly is meant. 
Professor Hart speaking of the poor whites says: ''Some of 
them bought negroes, enlarged their plantations, and eventually 
rose to the class of prosperous slaveholders. * * * * " ' 
Mr. Olmsted in a number of places refers to the overseers 
on the large plantations as having saved up enough money to 
buy them land and a few negroes. Mrs. Kemble in her book on 
a Georgia plantation, gives an interesting account of the slave 
her husband sold to the overseer who was about to leave. The 
slave was so distressed and Mrs. Kemble too, that her husband 
bought the slave back.-"^ Says Mr. Cairnes, writing in 1863 : 
"Slavery has not merely determined the general form and 
character of the social and political economy of the South- 
ern States, it has entered into the soul of the people, and has 
generated a code of ethics and a type of Christianity adapted 
to its peculiar requirements."'* The same author speaking 
further says : "But slavery in the South is something more 
chan a moral and political principle : it has become a fashionable 
taste, a social passion." 

This peculiar social system which so long held sway in 
that great region was not characterized, however, by that ex- 



1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 71, 72. 

2 Ibid., p. 74. ^ . ^, , ,■ 

3 F. A. Kemble, cf. Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, 

pp. 99-106. 

4 J. E. Cairnes, The Slave Power, p. 88. 



Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 13 

clusiveness which has so often erroneously been ascribed to it. 
It was not the unadapted, unwieldy, artificial society often de- 
scribed. And this is said in no spirit of apology for the social 
system. It is but recognizing the truth of the underlying 
assimilative character of the system, which was so essential to 
its being held in favor among the people. That the son of 
the hitherto wealthy planter should become the owner of a 
large estate and of a goodly number of blacks was to be 
expected, and would have been in perfect accord with an 
exclusive caste-system. But that individuals from the lower , 
strata of society could by dint of their own ambition and per- 
severance be counted eventually among the slave-owning class, ■ 
was, in itself, a powerful incentive to a great many among the 
landless whites, and, at the same time, a mighty defense for 
safeguarding the peculiar character of the social system. 

Professor Hart seems to find difficulty in realizing the 
reasons for this unanimity of feeling though he recognizes its 
existence plainly enough. He says, for example : "One of 
the perplexing things in human history is that these people, 
who owned no slaves, who received nothing of the profits of 
slave labor, and who were put out of the pale of slave-holding 
society, should have accepted with so little question the leader- 
ship of the slave-holders, and should have demanded so little 
for themselves and their children out of the surplus produced 
by slavery. Helper's burning appeal to the poor whites for 
'No co-operation with Slave-holders in Politics — No Fellow- 
ship with them in Religion — No Affiliation with them in Socie- 
ty," met with no response." ^ Instead of this relation being so 
perplexing it seems that much of the perplexity is removed 
by the facts of homogeneity and the liberal opportunity afforded 
the landless whites of being eventually merged with the well- 
to-do. There was manifestly a "consciousness of kind" weld- 
ing the whites together, growing out of these facts of like- 
response to the same stimulus. 

And is not a sufficient reason for the leadership in church 
and state of the ten thousand families to be found in their 
superior knowledge, culture and refinement? The situation 
was analagous to that described by Tarde in his Laws of 
Imitation, in the following passage: "Louis XIV did not 
recognize the fact that his subjects had any claims whatsoever 



1 Slavery and Abolition, p. 76. 



14 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

upon him, and his subjects shared his delusion ; nevertheless, 
he was socially related to them, because both he and they were 
products of the same classical and Christian education, because 
everyone from the Court at Paris to the heart of Brittany and 
Provence looked up to him as a model, and because he himself 
was unconsciously reacted upon by the influence of his court- 
iers, a kind of diffused imitation experienced by him in return 
for that radiating from him." ^ Similarly the best of the best 
were models for the planter-class in southern society ; models 
in a number of ways ; models in the number of acres owned, 
in social customs and polite manners, models in political prin- 
ciples as well. 

It is an item important psychologically at this point to 
recall what was a patent fact, namely, the lack of diversity in 
industry and pursuits and the corollary of this fact, the few- 
ness of interests, whether industrial or other, that engaged the 
thought of the people. The concentration of mind upon these 
few interests was much more pronounced than was the case 
with Northerners whose lives were lived in the midst of multi- 
tudinous interests and activities. Both the general social sol- 
idarity of the South and the relative diversity of feeling in the 
North were natural. 

When the question of emancipation first arose, therefore, 
the Southerners were more of a unit on the subject than were 
the Northerners. With many of the latter the subject of 
abolition was a propaganda, and agitation of the question was 
often more a foray or sporadic invasion into the enemy's coun- 
try by a few rather than a coherent, well thought-out convic- 
tion of the entire section. In truth, may it not be said, that it 
was because the trumpet gave so many uncertain sounds in 
the North, that it took a generation for the people to prepare 
themselves for battle? Whereas in the South, there was in 
the main, but one voice and one sound, and so unanimous the 
sentiment, that men from every quarter were more like "minute 
men" than almost anything else to which they may be com- 
pared. 

This same concert and unanimity in social response is in 
evidence in other questions of public policy which, without this 
unanimity of sentiment, might have created discord. Say? Mr. 
Cairnes : "The slave-breeding States of Virginia and Ken- 

1 English translation by E. C. Pansons, p. 64. 



Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 15 

tucky had a very distinct and palpable advantage in 
opening new ground for slave cultivation across the Mississippi. 
They thereby created a new market for their slaves, and 
directly enhanced the value of their principal property. But 
the slave-working States of Alabama and Mississippi, which 
were buyers, not sellers, of slaves, which were producers, not 
consumers, of cotton, had a precisely opposite interest as 
regards this enterprise. The effect of the policy of territorial 
extension in relation to them, was to raise the price of slaves — 
the productive instrument which they employed ; and, on the 
other hand, to reduce the price of cotton — the commodity in 
which they dealt. — Yet this did not prevent the whole body of 
slave states from working steadily together in promoting the 
policy which the maintenance of the Slave Power, as a political 
system, demanded." ^ 

Not the least interesting and significant among the facts 
attesting the solidarity in social feeling among southern people 
was the attitude of numerous non-slaveholding farmers who had 
at one time been numbered among slave-holders, but who had 
come to believe that it was morally wrong to hold them longer, 
and who, in carrying out their conviction, had begun to culti- 
vate their land with free labor. Mr. Olmsted writes of one such 
in the following terms : "This gentleman, notwithstanding his 
anti-slavery sentiments by no means favors the running away of 
slaves, and thinks the Abolitionists have done immense harm to 
the cause they have at heart. He wishes Northerners would 
mind their business, and leave Slavery alone, say but little 
about it — nothing in the present condition of affairs at the 
South, and never speak of it but in a kind and calm man- 
ner."- Parallel with this was the evident favor in which 
slavery was regarded by numerous slaves who preferred slavery 
to freedom, who considered the lot of the free negro as abject 
and undesirable : "Ol' free nigger, nobody to take care of him." 
Something like the following also illustrates the slaves' protest 
against negro rule and responsibility: "A nigger!" "Yes — 
dat's it, yer see. Wouldn't care if't warnt for dat. Nothin' but 
a dirty nigger! orderin' round, jes' as if he was a wite man !"^ 
It could not be said of the negroes that "a day, or an hour of 



1 The Slave Power, pp. 144, 145. 

2 Seaboard Slave States, p. 107. 

3 Ibid., p. 114. 



16 Social Solidarity and R-^ce Inequalities 

virtuous liberty was worth a whole eternity in bondage," for 
to many among them to be a slave was "very heaven." This 
feeling on the part of the negroes naturally re-enforced the 
general attitude of the whole population toward slavery. 

There was also a general custom among some of 
the negroes in the South of "cousining" the well-to-do white 
folks. They flattered themselves that they were of the aris- 
tocracy, and were the object of respectful attention and favor 
from the best class of whites. This sentiment is illustrated 
by the following true story. A white man of the first rank 
in the community in which he lived, one day accosted an old 
ex-slave, saying to him, "Ben, when was the last time you 
went a chicken stealing?" With ready repartee the old negro 
replied: "I han't bin since dat last night when you and me 
went, cousin Josh." 

The fact that there was so little friction among the whites 
of every class was due largely to the social codes and mores 
which were so paramount in relation to the whites and blacks 
as such. Class distinction as between members of the white 
race withered, and race distinction and race discrimination 
were accentuated more and more. 

It is in this connection particularly that one can see most 
clearly the points of agreement among all the whites ; points 
which focused on whatever accentuated diflferences between 
the white man and the negro ; notably the superiority of the 
one, the inferiority of the other ; points biological and anthropo- 
logical ; differences which inhered in the very lineaments of 
face and texture of skin of the respective races. With these 
and allied considerations we have the social codes and mores, 
which, taken collectively, doubtless did more than all other 
influences combined in making social solidarity among south- 
ern people an accomplished fact. Any serious menace to the 
established social order, such as emancipation, was thought to 
mean not only a radical change in the life of the negro, but one 
just as radical in the life of the white man, and especially the 
white man of small means. The mode and manner of his life, 
built upon the institution, it was thought, would disappear, the 
ideals and aspirations of a people, the basis and solidarity alike 
of their social fabric would be gone. 

These facts account for the peculiar conditions which lead 
Professor Hart to say : "The abnormal thing was that a region 



Social Solidarity and Class Distinctions 17 

of great resources and intelligent leaders like the south should 
have remained for half a century outside the modern economic 
system, still retaining the provincial conditions of a scattered 
population, little diversified agriculture, and slave labor ; while 
the north had land, ships, mills, forges, mines, rich cities, and 
a remarkably productive population." ^ It is seriously 
doubted, however, by some historians whether the South was, 
as a matter of fact, as antiquated in its economic system as the 
above picture would lead one to infer. Professor J. S. Bassett 
of Smith College, Mass., takes a more favorable view of the 
situation and thinks there was nothing unnatural about the 
economic system, and that the farmers generally were more 
prosperous than is often supposed. For our own part, we can 
admit that the economic system had many faults, that it was 
half a century behind the times, and still find in this fact noth- 
ing to change our view that solidarity of opinion regarding 
the negro would have existed in any case. 

Thus it appears from the facts presented in this and the 
foregoing chapter that the solidarity of opinion in the South 
resulted primarily from the inherent social differences between 
the races, which outweighed all other facts in welding the 
whites into common unity. The plantation was the great social 
and economic basis about which the thought and mores of the 
times were inextricably woven. The different classes in the 
community accepted both the plantation system and the in- 
stitution of slavery which was inseparable from it. Class dis- 
tinction did not counteract the overwhelming unity of thought 
and fe'eling resulting from the presence of the negro. Never- 
theless, as has been indicated, these class distinctions created 
differences in the intensity of feeling toward the negro. 

In subsequent chapters we shall contrast, first, in chapter 
III, the diversity of feeling and opinion in the North with re- 
spect to slavery, with the solidarity of opinion on this subject 
in the South. We shall then consider in chapter IV the effect 
which the growth of the abolition movement had on the South 
as a whole and on sections that presented diverse population 
conditions, and we shall attempt to show how the movement 
both intensified the social solidarity of the South and yet 
elicited varying response in variously constituted sections. In 

1 Slavery and Abolition, p. 55. 



18 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

chapter V we shall present the statistics of the population 
changes in the South for 12 states from 1790 to 1860, and in 
chapter VI we shall present these changes for 24 divisions of 
the above states for the same period. 

In chapter VII we shall consider reasons why the differ- 
ences in the proportion of negroes to whites in various sections 
of the South greatly affected the relative progresss of the sec- 
tions. In chapter VIII we shall consider how both solidarity of 
thought and feeling persisted and inequality of conditions and 
opportunities betwen the races also continued. Finally, in chap- 
ter IX we shall state our own view of the problem that is 
peculiar to the inter-relation of the races in southern social 
development. 



CHAPTER III 

THE SOCIAL SYSTEM ATTACKED 

In an approach to a discussion of the leading issues at 
stake in the attempted overthrow of a system as ancient and 
renowned as slavery, we recognize how becoming, and, withal, 
imperative is the attitude of diffidence and caution, not for 
reasons of offense in speech so much, as of a liability of mis- 
statement, overstatement, and understatement, and therefore 
of inaccuracy and untrustworthiness. 

One of the first things to be noted in reference to the 
attack made upon the prevailing social system of the South 
was, that it was a growth, a process. First of all, in the com- 
pact between the states of the American Union, entered into 
in the drafting of the federal constitution, we have in written 
and succinct form the principles of liberty and equality for 
which the American Revolution was fought. But notwith- 
standing the successful wresting of these principles from the 
mother country, their embodiment in written declaration and 
compact appears to have had special and direct purpose in 
defining and safeguarding the status and interests of the white 
inhabitants of the colonies rather than in making clear and 
consistent the rights and privileges of the negro. The Revo- 
lution appears to have been fought and its results declared 
chiefly in the interest of the white man ; the war between the 
states in the nineteenth century, more tragic and bitter, was 
waged for the black man. And this seems the natural order 
of evolution. The French Revolution at the close of the 
eighteenth century struck a blow which was successful for 
the proletariat class of Europe, and which, in the light of sub- 
sequent history, seems to have been not without influence in 
provoking agitation which was favorable to the emancipation 
of the negro slave. Liberty, fraternity and equality were in 
the air. In a number of the French and Spanish dependencies 
of South America which had hitherto tolerated slavery, and 
in Hayti under the English Crown, slavery was abolished. The 
Revolution of France made converts in all lands, particularly 
in those having proclivities to a republican government. 



20 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

From about 1800 to 1820 the American Colonization So- 
ciety flourished and gradual emancipation was also held in 
favor among many. Ijut with the rising importance of cot- 
ton in the southern states there was a corresponding abate- 
ment of interest in colonization ; the numerous slaves in the 
northern states, because unprofitable as laborers, were either 
freed or sold to the southern planter. The slave codes that 
had been prohibitive of the further importation of slaves in 
the southern states in 1810 to 1830 were repealed and laws 
enacted encouraging the slave trade. ^ From 1820 to 1830 
the increasing economic difiterentiation between the North and 
the South had begun to show results and it became a fore- 
gone conclusion that one-half the Union was to be slave and 
the other half free. This fact heightened the hitherto forma- 
tive abolition sentiment in the North and men like Benjamin 
Lundy and William Lloyd Garrison made full proof of their 
calling and had not a little success in indoctrinating men and 
women in the abolition faith. But these men were by no means 
representative of the great body of anti-slavery agitators that 
were gradually rising in the free states. So far as large 
numbers of the thinking, conservative persons were concerned. 
they were made only the more conservative and cautious in 
their attack upon slavery, by the too ready and profuse de- 
nunciation and invective indulged in by Garrison and men of 
his type. They were instantly repelled by such methods and 
by the extreme radicalism exhibited. 

In the announcement of his position in the Liberatcr, dated 
Boston, Jan. 1, 1831, Mr. Garrison gave no uncertain evidence 
as to the course he meant to pursue : 'T am in earnest — I will 
not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single 
inch — ajid I will be Jicard." ^ 

The whole North was tending to become humane and 
philanthropic in sentiment and enterprise. Mrs. F. A. Kemble, 
a northern lady of English birth, about 1837, married a south- 
ern planter, and went to live with him on his large rice planta- 
tion at Darien, Georgia, and soon found herself in relentless 
opposition to slavery as she witnessed the system in full sway 
in 1838-39. In correspondence with an intimate acquaint- 
ance she depicted slavery as a hideous monster. Miss Harriet 



1 Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondag-e. vol. II. pp. 161. 162. 

2 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. Ill, pp. 595. 596. 



The Social System Attacked 21 

Martineau, an English writer, visited America in 1835 and 
traveled through the South making a study of the conditions 
peculiar to slavery, and in her book, published in 1837, "So- 
ciety in America," she gives full account of what she saw and 
the impressions she received. Under the "Advertisement" in 
"A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States," the following 
description is given of Mr. F. L. Olmsted by the publisher: "In 
the year 1853, the author of this work made a journey through 
the Seaboard Slave States, and gave an account of his obser- 
vations in the New York Daily Times, under the signature of 
'Yeoman.' Those letters excited some attention, and their 
publication in a book was announced ; but before preparing 
them for the press, the author had occasion to make a second 
and longer visit to the South." ^ Wave after wave of effort 
on the part of numerous writers and reformers was put forth 
to bring slavery into opprobrium and disrepute, and from 1830 
to 1860 slavery had a checkered and troubled existence in the 
South. 

Public opinion in the northern free states was for a full 
generation in a seething, fermenting, chaotic state. Freedom 
for the slave was resting its case largely in the hands of 
propagandists, most of whom meant well no doubt, but among 
them there was every variety of theory and solution of 
slavery, but no unanimity of sentiment, and no focusing with 
unanimity of action on some one main course of procedure. 

In a word, the one outstanding characteristic of northern 
public sentiment on the question and solution of slavery was 
its lack of unanimity. Men, not a few there were, who did 
not feel kindly disposed toward slavery, but among them there 
was pronounced lack of concurrent action. And notwithstand- 
ing the increasing agitation brought about by the organiza- 
tion of the anti-slavery party, the diversity of view in dealing 
with slavery persisted, in some cases with increasing complexity 
down to the Civil War, and even into it. There was with 
many much of the spirit of compromise, a deep-felt tendency 
to a recasting and readjusting of half-formed opinions on 
slavery, anti-slavery, or abolitionism. On the part of many 
there was a transference of allegiance and support from an 
attitude of mild anti-slavery sentiment to one less conciliatory 
in method and tone, or vice versa. It was a day in the North 

1 F. L. Olmsted, Seaboard Slave States, p. iii, 1904 edition. 



22 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

of conversion from one faith to another. The anti-slavery 
agitators, the most uncompromising abohtionists, and the pro- 
slavery leaders, tried every man's faith of what sort it was.^ 
"Prison reformers, prohibitionists, and Mormons argued, pub- 
lished, and declaimed ; why not abolitionists ? But as soon as 
they attracted the attention of the south, they found enemies 
at home : the community was shocked by what they thought 
the antics of the abolitionists, their loud and violent speeches, 
the association of women, the exaltation of the negroes, who 
were the most despised element in the northern as well as the 
southern states." ^ 

Well-known public men like John Quincy Adams, Abbott 
Lawrence, Rufus Choate, and frontier leaders like Lewis Cass, 
Salmon P. Chase and Abraham Lincoln although anti-slavery 
in sentiment remained outside the pale of abolitionism of the 
Garrisonian type and professed themselves as opposed to the 
methods and radicalism of the abolition leaders.^ 

"In New England and outside arose anti-slavery men like 
Adams, who never acted with him, and plenty of abolitionists 
who never accepted allegiance to him ; while many of his 
earlier followers cast ofif his leadership and pursued ends of 
which he disapproved. Three groups of non-Garrisonian 
abolitionists may be distinguished — the New England, the mid- 
dle state, and the western. In New England one of the great 
moral forces was Dr. William Ellery Channing, Unitarian 
minister in Boston and Newport. His sympathy was naturally 
with the movement, but he disliked Garrison's severity of tone 
and method, and was unmoved by a personal appeal from Gar- 
rison in January, 1834."'* 

Not only was there discord between Garrison and the 
middle state and western groups, but wide breaches among 
the abolitionists in New England. "That Garrison made no 
effort to build up a following in the middle and western states 
was partly due to a series of conflicts within the eastern 
abolitionists, which led, after five or six years of strife, to 
a weakening split. The main grounds of difference between 
the Garrisonians and other abolitionists were five — personal 



1 Cf. The Slave Power, p. 31. 

2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 242, 243. 

3 Ibid., p. 243. 
t Ibid., p. 188. 



The Social System Attacked 23 

disagreements, the status of women, the Bible, non-resistance, 
and poHtics." ^ 

Grounds of opposition and disaffection portending the 
waning influence and power of Garrison were fast coming to 
a head, and in 1840 at a meeting of the aboUtionists a vote of 
450 in opposition to his leadership out of a total of 1,010 votes 
cast, proved the signal for the organization of a new society 
called the "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society." - 

"The effect of the split was shown by the treasurer's report 
of the original American society, the annual income dropping 
immediately from $47,000 to $7,000, and for fifteen years it 
did not rise above $12,000. The number of local societies 
and of members also at once diminished and was never recov- 
ered. The new society never had any such galaxy of journal- 
ists and speakers, and was unable to concentrate the western 
societies, which by this time, were changing into political 
organizations; and, after 1840, abolition as a national force 
was giving way to the anti-slavery movement stirred by the 
efforts to annex Texas." ^ 

After 1840 arguments among the northern anti-slavery 
leaders were concentrated more and more about a few 
leading principles and ideas. First of all may be mentioned 
the cruelty and inhumanity of slavery as a system. Mrs. 
Kemble's "A Residence on a Georgian Plantation," and Mr. 
Olmsted's accounts of his journeys through the South are 
ample in depiction of the cruelty of many of the overseers 
to the slaves, of the neglected and uncared for among them, 
especially the female slaves in child-bearing. 

The slave-market is described by Martineau and other 
travelers as a place where much cruelty was tolerated, and 
the occasion of auctioneering slaves described as parallel in 
manner and method with that employed in a common stock 
market. The treatment of the slaves as if they were horses 
or cattle, the custom of ascertaining the soundness of their 
limbs and various physical organs, of examining their teeth 
and inspecting them for scars as evidence of an intractable 
character, in order to bid intelligently for them when auctioned 
off — all this proved shocking indeed to the men and women 

1 Ibid., p. 197. 

2 Ibid., p. 201. 

3 Ibid., p. 201. 



24 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

not accustomed to the sight of it. Said the Rev. Nehemiah 
Adams in 1854: "There are some men to whom a negro is 
merely an ox or an ass. They buy, sell, work, treat, talk about, 
their 'niggers' as about cattle — hard, sharp, vulgar men. * ''" " '^ 

The following account of a slave auction in Savannah, 
Georgia, appeared in the Nczc^ York Tribune in 1859: "The 
slaves remained at the race-course, son'ic of them for more 
than a week and all of them for four d:iys before sale. They 
were brought in thus early that buyers who desired to inspect 
them might enjoy that privilege, although none of them were 
sold at private sale. For these preliminary days their shed was 
constantly visited by speculators. The negroes were examined 
with as little consideration as if they had been brutes indeed; 
the buyers pulling their mouths open to see their teeth, pinching 
their limbs to find how muscular they were, walking them up 
and down to detect any signs of lameness, making them stoop 
and bend in different ways that they might be certain there 
was no concealed rupture or wound ; and in addition to all this 
treatment, asking them scores of questions relative to their 
qualifications and accomplishments. * * * "Look at me, 
Mas'r; am prime rice planter; sho' you won' find a better man 
den me ; no better on de whole plantation : not a bit old yet ; 
do mo' work den ever ; do carpenter work, too, little ; better 
buy me, Mas'r ; I'se be good sarvant, Mas'r. Molly, too, my 
wife, Sa, fus rate rice hand ; mos' as good as me. Stan' out 
yer, Molly, and let the gen'lm'n see." - 

The pressure of the system of slavery as it was exerted on 
the slave in the more remunerative areas was stoutly attacked. 
"It is in Cuba, at this day, whose revenues are reckoned by 
millions, and whose planters are princes, that we see, in the 
servile class, the coarsest fare, the most exhausting and unre- 
mitting toil, and even the absolute destruction of a portion of 
its numbers every year, by the slow torture of overwork and 
msufficient sleep and rest. In our own country, is it in Mary- 
land and Virginia that slaves fare the worst, or is it in the sugar 
regions of Louisiana and Texas, where the scale of profits sug- 
gests the calculation of using them up in a given number of 
years as a matter of economy?"^ 



1 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 66. 

2 Ibid., vol. IV. pp. 76, 77. 

:; Weston, Progress of Slavery in the United States; pp. 132, 133; cf. The 
Slave Power, p. 73. 



The Social System Attacked 25 

One of the most insistent arguments which the opponents 
of slavery urged against the southern regime was on behalf 
of the "poor whites." The economic system so essentially 
linked with the social structure was seriously and sorely called 
in question. The agitators in the free states and in foreign 
countries argued that the landless whites had been made the 
scape-goats of a system solely in the interest of their more 
wealthy neighbors, and that their prospects of betterment 
and jDrogress were continually menaced by the prevailing 
social and economic system. Says Mr. Cairnes : "The mean 
whites, as has been shown, are the natural growth of the 
slave system ; their existence and character flowing necessarily 
from two facts — the slaves, which render the capitalist inde- 
pendent of their services, and the wilderness, the constant 
feature of slave countries, which enables them to exist without 
engaging in regular work." ^ 

A lady teacher from New Hampshire who taught school 
in Georgia between 1840 and 1850, writing of the conditions 
of slavery, says of the poor whites : "If they should ever cherish 
a desire for any other life than such as the brutes might lead, 
it would be all in vain, for the present institutions and state 
of society at the South are calculated to paralyze every energy 
of both body and mind. They are not treated with half the 
respect by the rich people that the slaves are, and even the 
slaves themselves look upon them as their inferiors. I have 
seen the servants when one of these poor women came into the 
planter's house, dressed in her homespun frock, bonnet and 
shawl, collect together in an adjoining room or on the piazza 
and indulge in a fit of laughter and ridicule about her 'cracker 
gown and bonnet,' as they would call them." ^ 

Says Mr. Cairnes in further indictment of the slave power : 
"How are railways to be made profitable in a population of 
fifteen persons to the square mile? * * * * In South Carolina 
a train has been known to travel a hundred miles with a single 
passenger. The mean whites seem thus, under an inexorable 
law, to be bound to their present fate by the same chain which 
holds the slave to his. Slavery produces distaste for industry. 
Distaste for industry, co-existing with a wilderness which is 
also the fruit of slavery, disperses population over vast areas 

llbid., 78, 79. 

2 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 60. 



26 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

as the one condition of its increase. Among such a people 
the requisites of progress do not exist ; the very elements of 
civilization are wanting." ^ 

Sentiment in the North gradually grew with perceptible 
increase in momentum in opposition to the southern social 
and economic system for numerous reasons other than the in- 
humanity to the slave and the economic injustice to the poor 
white. Pressure from the anti-slavery and abolition leaders 
made serious the charge that the slave codes, in contrast to the 
mildness embodied in the laws in respect to the white man, 
were of unmitigated severity. Equality had not been allowed 
the slaves and free-negroes in strictly social affairs nor was 
it possible that they should be regarded as equals before the 
tribunals of justice. The double codes which seemed an in- 
evitable evolution to the slave-master were an occasion among 
the abolitionists of offence, and served further to unite them 
in their arraignment of the southern social system. "A great 
number of crimes not capital when committed by whites were 
punishable by death if committed by a slave, including arson, 
rape, conspiracy to rebel, striking a master or any member of 
the master's family, resisting legal arrest or punishment, and 
burglary." ^ 

Throughout the period of slavery in the United States 
the arguments which were marshalled for its downfall were 
based mainly upon the idea and spirit of a republican govern- 
ment guaranteed in the federal constitution ; upon rights 
that were assumed as natural and not acquired; upon the 
spirit of Christianity as described in the New Testament in 
numerous and copious passages.^ The bad and injurious 
aspects generally of the existence of slavery upon all classes, 
and especially upon the slave and the poor white, were as- 
sailed.^ Philemon 1:16 ff.. made use of by the abolitionists, 
was one of their chief Scriptural weapons, because it showed 
the great interest the apostle Paul took in a runaway slave and 
the very humane and kindly feeling which the apostle cherished 
for him as exhibited in the entreaty and charge sent to the 
master, Philemon, on returning the slave, "no longer as a ser- 

1 The Slave Power, p. 83. 

2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 115. 
3Cf. Mk. 16:15; Rom. 12:10; Phil'm. 1.16 ff. 
4 Cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 166. 



The Social System Attacked 27 

vant. but more than a servant, a brother beloved, specially to 
me, but how much rather to thee, both in the liesh and in the 
Lord." 

The increasing decision and earnestness of the northern 
people in their attack upon slavery are recognized more in 
their methods than in their arguments, just as was true of the 
southern people in their resistance. Perhaps as typical a 
picture of the methods employed in opposition to the South as 
one would be likely to find is that of the Editor of The 
Charleston Mercury, R. B. Rhett, in 1860, in which he enters 
vigorous protest against those methods. He says: "Have we 
not, as a section, been insulted and oppressed, not only at home, 
but in every Foreign Court in Christendom, by abolition fanat- 
ics, who should, as citizens of the same Government, regard 
us as brothers ? The leaders and oracles of the most powerful 
party in the United States have denounced us as tyrants and 
unprincipled heathens, through the whole civilized world. 
They have preached it from their pulpits. They have de- 
clared it in the halls of Congress and in their newspapers. 
In their school-houses they have taught their children (who 
are to rule this Government in the next generation) to look 
upon the slaveholder as the especial disciple of the devil 
himself. They have published books and pamphlets in which 
the institution of slavery is held up to the world as a blot 
and a stain upon the escutcheon of America's honor as a 
nation. They have established Abolition Societies among them 
for the purpose of raising funds — first to send troops to Kan- 
sas to cut the throats of all the slaveholders there, and now 
to send emissaries among us to incite our slaves to rebellion 
against the authority of their masters, and thereby endanger 
the lives of our people and the destruction of our property. 
They have brought forth an open and avowed enemy to the 
most cherished and important institution of the South, as 
candidate for election to the Chief Magistracy of this Govern- 
ment — the very basis of whose political principles is an un- 
compromising hostility to the institution of slaver}^ under all 
circumstances. They have virtually repealed the Fugitive 
Slave Law, and declare their determination not to abide by 
the decision of the Supreme Court, guaranteeing to us the right 
to claim our property wherever found in the United States. 
And, in every conceivable way, the whole Northern people. 



28 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

as a mass, have shown a most implacable hostility to us and 
our most sacred rights ; and this, too, without the slightest 
provocation on the part of the South." ^ 

Agitation by every available means thus came at last in 
the North to be employed in arousing and uniting public 
sentiment into a determined, concurrent action in opposition 
to the institution of slavery. By 1860 the line between North 
and South had been quite unmistakably drawn, and because so 
much of sectional feeling entered into the nature and char- 
acter of the issue making war between the two, the marked 
diversity of sentiment present in 1830 to 1845 among North- 
erners had become much less marked. 

Nevertheless, there were numerous ministers in the free 
states down to 1860 and later, that were staunch defenders of 
slavery. The day had not wholly passed when attitude, agitation 
and sentiment among freemen of the North represented some- 
thing of diversity of view, from the most radical and outspoken 
denunciation of the southern regime to the warmest, most con- 
vincing apologetic for the slave-master. The Rev. Dr. Henry 
J. Van Dyke of Brooklyn was thoroughly pro-slavery in his 
views and in his pulpit in 1860 delivered a strong pro-slavery 
sermon.^ There was pressure and counter-pressure therefore 
between types like Beecher and Van Dyke, both notable in 
rendering ministerial service in the same great city in the 
same epoch-making period of the nineteenth century. 

The various methods and means of agitating the question 
of slavery and abolition employed by the North were success- 
ful only in part. This fact assists us in forming a judgment of 
the importance which attaches to the sociological principle 
of social pressure in the achievement of its purpose, even under 
the most forbidding circumstances. The fight between the 
North and the South was for a generation and more pressure 
against pressure. In accordance with a distinction made by 
Professor Giddings, however, there were primary and second- 
ary pressures exhibited, of which account must be taken. 
Primary social pressure, according to Professor Giddings, re- 
fers to the organized forms and media in which and through 
which concerted opinion and will, express themselves by con- 



1 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 160. 

2 Of. H. J. Van Dyke, The Character and Influence of Abolitionism, 

Sermon. 



The Social System Attacked 29 

current social action, including standards and types ; and sec- 
ondary social pressure refers to the measure of the effective- 
ness or success of the primary social pressure. For example, 
legislation is primary social pressure ; the measure of its 
enforcement, secondary social pressure.^ With respect to 
the early period of the abolition movement it may be held 
that it created considerable primary social pressure ; means 
and methods, and societies for the propagation of the abolition 
doctrines were multitudinous, but all this early attempted inter- 
ference with slavery was generally ineffective, failing, as has 
been shown, in the accomplishment of its purpose. Secondary 
social pressure was practically at zero. Immediately after 
1840, however, the method of primary social pressure among 
anti-slavery men was changed, there being a pronounced tend- 
ency to organize opposition to slavery into a political party. 
This being done eventually, there was apparently less provoca- 
tion and inclination to a multiplicity of method, and the way 
was paved through concurrent, concerted primary social pres- 
sure to the sure and inevitable overthrow of the Old South. 
The completeness of the suppression and overturning of the 
southern social and economic structure is the adequate measure 
of secondary social pressure as it was exerted by the northern 
states. The effectual nullification by northern states of the 
Dred Scott decision handed down by the Supreme Court is one 
of the most interesting, and, to southern men, was one of the 
most grievous specimens of secondary social pressure ever 
exerted against the slave-master. This pressure was embodied 
and carried out under acts known as the "personal liberty laws" 
of the northern states, notably New York and Massachusetts. 

A sample of the severity of these personal liberty acts is 
given in ''A Personal-Liberty Act" passed by Massachusetts 
in 1855. Section 15 reads: "Any sheriff, deputy sheriff, jailer, 
coroner, constable or other officer of this Commonwealth, or 
the police of any city or town, or any district, county, city 
or town officer, or any officer or other member of the volun- 
teer militia of this Commonwealth, who shall hereafter arrest, 
imprison, detain or return, or aid in arresting, imprisoning, 
detaining or returning, any person for the reason that he is 
claimed or adjudged to be a fugitive from service or labor, shall 



1 Cf. Social Self-Control. Political Science Quarterly, vol. XXTV, pp. 581. 582. 



30 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

be punished by fine * * * and by imprisonment. * * * " ^ 
Referring to this measure Professor Hart says : "This statute 
is a fair sample of those passed by nine other states in the 
north. They were not caused by the Fugitive-Slave Law itself 
so much as by the Kansas-Nebraska Act, but they approxi- 
mated a nullification of the former law and helped to make it 
a dead letter. The personal-liberty laws were the most serious 
grievance of the south in 1861."^ The spirit and temper of 
the northern people, by agitation and legislative enactment, by 
widespread diffusion of literature, by voice and by pen, and 
by every conceivable method, were fast coming to focus in the 
"irrepressible conflict" between hostile and belligerent States 
of a well-nigh severed and dismembered Union. 



1 Hart, AmeiMcan History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 96. 

2 Ibid., Introductory note. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE DEFENSE OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM 

The conditions and circumstances under which the pre- 
vailing social order of the South was defended were in es- 
sential and various respects different from the circumstances 
of its impeachment in the northern states. In the first place 
the North was not under the necessity of maintaining a large 
patrol system in the management and control of a servile 
race ; the negroes in the free states, for the reason that they 
comprised so small a fraction of the population, were not the 
occasion of menace and alarm that they were in the South. 
Whatever of opposition a denunciation of slavery in the North 
might occasion, the conflict between anti-slavery and pro- 
slavery sentiment was between members of the white race, 
who for the most part retained their sense of responsibility 
and self-control. Apprehension and solicitation for the public 
safety were not involved. A different state of affairs existed 
in the South, where large numbers of negroes swelled the 
population, many of them fresh from Africa and scarce re- 
moved from the instinctive habits of savage life. The in- 
surrection by Nat Turner, a negro preacher, in Southampton 
county, Virginia, in 1831, created widespread apprehension; 
and, occurring as it did, simultaneously with the rising tide of 
Garrisonian abolition in New England, it had decisive effect in 
uniting the people in defense of their common interest and 
safety. Says Professor Hart : "In the discussion the south 
had a technical advantage in that not a single southern public 
man of large reputation and influence failed to stand by slavery ; 
while from the northern ranks some, like Webster, stifled their 
natural objections ; others, like Cass, 'Northern men with 
Southern principles,' ranged themselves alongside their south- 
ern brothers in an open defence of slavery" ^ 

The southern states in thus demonstrating a pronounced 
unanimity of sentiment and action present a marked unlike- 
ness to the free states in their equivocal, vacillating, and in- 
coherent condition. 



1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 137, 138. 



t 



32 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

The divided North for several years made all the more 
formidable the pro-slavery sentiment in the South ; and in the 
North men and women too were not unseldom disconcerted 
in their frenzy and determination to preach a crusade of aboli- 
tion. "In June, 1831, when an attempt was made to plant a 
kind of manual-training school in New Haven, a public meet- 
ing declared that 'the founding of colleges for educating 
colored people is an unwarrantable and dangerous interference 
with the internal concerns of other states, and ought to be 
discouraged.' The school had to be given up, as did a similar 
attempt at Canaan, New Hampshire, where three hundred 
men appeared with a hundred yoke of oxen and pulled the 
school-house into a neighboring swamp." ^ In a letter from 
an Elder in an Old School Presbyterian Church to his son at 
College, dated New York, April 22, 1863, a strong pro- 
slavery position is taken, as follows: "In a recent letter 
you remark, 'Wayland is down on Slavery, and tries to 
prove that it is wrong from the Bible.' You know that I re- 
gard Anti-Slavery as a false god, which, forewarned as you 
have been, you will not surely worship. As the views I 
entertain on this subject are the result of at least twenty 
years of careful thought and study, and form a part of my 
religious faith, you can imagine the importance I attach to 
them. In full view of my accountability to my Maker, I shall 
proceed to give you my conclusions upon this subject, with 
some reasons therefor ; and I demand of you, as you shall 
answer at the great day, that you give the profoundest con- 
sideration to what I shall write, and determine its truth or 
falsity by a comparison with Scripture alone. The fashionable 
way is to interpret the Bible so as to conform to the accepted 
theories of the age. I would have you bring them all to the 
Bible, and accept them only wherein they conform to its teach- 
ings."- On Sunday evening, December 9, 1860, the Reverend 
Henry J. Van Dyke preached in his church, the First Presby- 
terian, of Brooklyn, N. Y., a sermon on "The Character and 
Influence of Abolitionism." He arranged his discourse under 
the four following headings: "1. Abolitionism has no founda- 
tion in Scripture. II. The Principles of Abolition have been 



1 Ibid., pp. 244, 245. 

i A Letter from an Elder in an Old School Presbyterian Church to his 
Son at College, p. 3. 



The Defense of the Social System 33 

propagated chiefly by misrepresentation and abuse. III. Abo- 
lition leads, in multitudes of cases, and by a logical process, to 
utter infidelity. IV. Abolitionism is the chief cause of the 
strife that agitates and the danger that threatens our country." ^ 
If one is desirous of understanding the reaction of the slave- 
holder to the doctrines of the abolitionists, Dr. Van Dyke's 
ideas in regard to abolitionism are interesting. "This is the . 
fundamental, the characteristic, the essential principle of Abo- V 
litionism — that slaveholding is sin — that holding men in in- 
voluntary servitude is an infringement upon the rights of man, 
a heinous crime in the sight of God, * * * It is by this 
doctrine that it lays hold upon the hearts and consciences of 
men, that it comes as a disturbing force into our ecclesiastical 
and civil institutions, and by exciting religious animosity, 
(which all history proves to be the strongest of human pas- 
sions), imparts a peculiar intensity to every contest into which 
it enters."- It was but natural therefore that men of the 
South should come to regard the teaching and agitation 
of the abolition doctrines as a violation and infringement of 
good faith among brothers in the compact of federated states. 
It was considered nothing less than impeachment of personal 
character and integrity, and the southern white man felt he 
was in honor bound to defend the rights, customs and tradi- 
tions upon which his life had been based and out of which it 
had grown. 

One of the principal apologies offered in the defense of 
slavery was that it was a positive good for the negro. It was 
a boon fraught with great blessing that the slave could 
have the protection of a white master who should be responsi- 
ble for his food and clothes, and take some interest in his 
moral advancement. This was far better than that the negro 
should remain in an unenlightened, semi-savage condition in 
the jungles of Africa. Stringfellow for example says : "We 
assert that negro-slavery, as it exists in the United States, is 
neither a moral nor a political evil, but on the contrary, is a 
blessing to the white race and to the negro. * * * " "Slav- 
ery is no evil to the negro. If we look at the condition 
of the negro in Africa, the land of his nativity, we find the 



1 The Character and Influence of Abolitionism, a Sermon, pp. 10, 22, 

29, 31. 

2 Ibid., p. 8. 



34 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

most pitiable victim of a cruel master, the most wretched 
slave in America, when contrasted with a prince of his tribe 
in the deserts of Africa, is as a man contrasted with a beast!" -^ 

Slavery, it was argued, was also beneficial to both the 
master and the non-slaveholding white man. The greater 
freedom of the master afforded him opportunity for interest 
in the more leisurely and less exacting affairs of life, for the 
more refined and ennobling avocations comporting with his 
station as gentleman. It was commented on and served as an 
apology that southerners were received in England with 
greater respect than was accorded the northern man. 

As showing the reasons for the united effort of all white 
persons outside the chief slaveholding class, Mr. De Bow, the 
well-known editor of De Boiv's Rcz'iczv, advanced arguments 
so convincing that we give them in full, as follows : "The poor 
men of the South are the holders of one to five slaves, and it 
woidd be equally consistent with truth and justice to say that 
they represent, in reality, its slaveholding interest. * * * " 

"(1) The non-slaveholder of the South is assured that the 
remuneration afforded by his labor, over and above the ex- 
pense of living, is larger than that which is afforded by the 
same labor in the free States. To be convinced of this, he has 
only to compare the value of labor in the Southern cities with 
those of the North, and to take note annually of the large 
number of laborers who are represented to be out of employ- 
ment there, and who migrate to our shores, as well as to 
other sections. No white laborer, in return, has been forced 
to leave our midst, or remain without employment. * * * " 

"(2) The non-slcrveholders, as a class, are not reduced by 
the necessity of our condition, as is the case in the free States, 
to find employment in crowded cities, arid come into competi- 
tion in close and sickly workshops and factories, with remorse- 
less and untiring machinery. * * * " 

"(3) The non-slaveholder is not subjected to that compe- 
tition with foreign pauper labor which has degraded the free 
labor of the North, and demoralized it to an extent zvhich 
perhaps can never be estimated. * * * " 

"(4) The non-slaveholder of the South preserves the status 



1 B. F. Stringfellow, Slavery a Positive Good. (1S54) in Hart, American 
History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 68. 



The Defense of the Social System 35 

of the white m^n, and is not regarded as an inferior or a 
dependent. * * * " 

"(5) The non-slaveholder knows that as soon as his sav- 
ings zuill admit, he can become a slaveholder, and thus relieve 
his wife from the necessities of the kitchen and the laundry, 
and his children frctn the labors of the f.cld. This, with ordi- 
nary frugality, can in general be accomplished in a few years, 
and is a process continually going on. * * * "' 

"(6) The large slaveholders and proprietors of the South 
begin life in great part as non-slaveholders. =*•**" 

"(7) But, should such fortune not be in reserve for the 
ncm-slaveholder, he will understand that by honesty and in- 
dustry it may be realised to his children. More than one gen- 
eration of poverty in a family is scarcely to be expected at the 
South, and is against the general experience. * * * " 

'"(8) The sons of the non-slaveholder are and have always 
been among the leading and ruling spirits of the South, in in- 
dustry as well as in politics. Every man's experience in his 
own neighborhood will evince this. He has but to task his 
memory. In this class are the McDuffies, Langdon Cheeves, 
Andrew Jacksons, Henry Clays, and Rusks, of the past ; the 
Hammonds, Yanceys, Orrs, Memmingers, Benjamins, Stephens, 
Soules, Browns of Mississippi, Simms, Porters, Magraths, 
Aikens, Maunsel Whites, and an innumerable host of the 
present, and what is to be noted, these men have not been 
made demagogues for that reason, as in other quarters, but 
are among the most conservative among us. Nowhere else 
have intelligence and virtue, disconnected from ancestral 
estates, the same opportunities for advancement, and nowhere 
else is their triumph more speedy and signal. * * * " 

"(9) Without the institution of slavery the great staple 
products of the South zvould cease to be gronm, and the im- 
mense annual results tvhich are distributed among every class 
of the community, and tvhich give life to every branch of indus- 
try, would cease. * * * " 

"(10) // emancipation be brought about, as zvill, undoubt- 
edly be the case, unless the encroachments of the fanatical 
majc<rities of the North are resisted nozv, the slaveholders in 
the main, anil escape the degrading equality which must residt, 
by emigration, for which they have the means, by disposing of 



36 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

their personal cliattels, zvhile the non-slaveholders, without 
these resources, would be compelled to remain and endure the 
degradation. * * " ^ 

The beneficent influence upon the womanhood of the 
South was one of the chief apologies offered for slavery. Mr. 
Stringfellow of Missouri discussing "Slavery a Positive Good,'' 
has this to say of its relation to woman: "Not only does negro 
slavery thus elevate the character of the white man, it en- 
nobles woman. Relieved by the slave from the abject toil, the 
servile condition to which the white woman is so often sub- 
jected by necessity where negro slavery does not exist, and 
which strips her of woman's greatest charm, modesty ; which 
makes of her the rude, drudging, despised servant of a harsh 
master ; the white woman becomes, as she is fitted to be, not 
the slave, but the queen of her household, fit mate for a sover- 
eign." ^ 

If the abolitionists urged the cruelty of slave-masters and 
overseers as an argument for emancipation, the defend- 
ers of the system on the other hand could cite instance after 
instance of the exceeding humanity and kindness of the slave- 
master. Men like Col. Thomas Dabney of Mississippi could 
be cited whose influence as a good and kind master extended 
beyond the bounds of his own State.^ It was also submitted 
that the most cruel masters were northern men who had mar- 
ried southern heiresses. 

The system of slavery was guaranteed in the federal Con- 
stitution and representation in Congress had been based from 
the foundation of the government upon the unequal status 
of the slave to the white man in the ratio of three to five, 
the latter number in slaves being requisite to a count of three 
whites in estimating the representation the states were en- 
titled to in Congress. Moreover, precedent was on the side 
of the slave-holder. Had not the Jewish nation to whom had 
been committed the oracles of Jehovah from patriarchal times 
recognized the divine appointment of slavery, and prospered, 
too, with it as one of its chief institutions? "Hagar was a 
slave, 'and the angel of the Lord said unto her. Return to thy 



1 De Bow's Review, vol. XXX. p. 68 ff. 

S Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. IV, p. 69. 

» Cf Smedes. A SotUhern Planter. 



The Defense of the Social System 37 

mistress, and submit thyself under her hands.' " ^ Says 
Professor Hart : "Another Scriptural argument, a thou- 
sand times repeated, goes back to the unseemly behavior 
of Ham, youngest son of Noah and father of Canaan ; when 
the old patriarch 'drank of the wine, and was drunken.' 
And he said. 'Cursed be Canaan ; a servant of servants shall 
he be unto his brethren. * * * ' " 2 Besides, slavery was 
a flourishing and cherished institution in the days when 
Greece and Rome were at the zenith of their power. Aris- 
totle had recognized and approved it ; and at a later time 
the greatest of all moral teachers, the Christ, had not con- 
demned it ; and still later the greatest of the Apostles, not 
only in numerous epistles recognized the validity and compe- 
tency of ownership of slaves as property, but, in returning 
Onesimus to his master Philemon, set a precedent utilized later 
to buttress the Fugitive Slave Law. ^ So the social ideal of 
the southern people, it was held, was justified not only by the 
authority of precedent among the Christian and the leading 
non-Christian nations for thousands of years, but what was 
more than all, it had the sanction of Scripture. 

What was a great advantage to the South in uniting all 
elements in concurrent action was its pronounced sense of 
religious harmony. "A Mississippian," writing on "Our 
Country — Its Hopes and Fears," says : "In religious sentiment 
the South stands a unit. Its pure doctrines are linked in- 
separably, though not by legal constraint, with the laws of the 
land. Religious persecution and intolerance are unknown 
among us. No 'isms and schisms rankle in our hearts. * * * 
Mormonism, freeloveism, and higherlawism, with their teach- 
ings so sensual in morals and so dangerous in politics, disturb 
not our harmony. What human tongue can tell the effect of 
such moral unity! * * * With this view of things eternal, let 
us turn to matters temporal." * 

Energetic suppression of attacks upon slavery was as 
stoutly championed in some parts of New England between 
1830 and 1840 as in the South. "The announcement that George 



1 Cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 13S: cf. also Gen. XVI. 9; Ex. XXI. 

20. 21. 

2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 140. 

3 Philemon 1:12-14. 

4 De Bow"s Review, vol. XXIX, p. 84. 



38 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

Thompson was to speak at a meeting of the Female Anti- 
Slavery Society, in 1835, brought out a handbill as follows: 
'Thompson — the obolitionist. That infamous foreign scoundrel 
Thompson will hold forth this afternoon at the Liberator of- 
fice, No. 48 Washington Street. The present is a fair oppor- 
tunity for the friends of the Union to snake Thompson out!'" ^ 
This same notice announces $100 as a reward to 
the individual who should first lay violent hands upon Thomp- 
son so that he might be brought to the tar-kettle before dark. 
Thompson did not arrive, but Garrison did, and vio- 
lent hands were put upon him. A rope was put 
around his body and he was dragged through the 
streets, a plight from which he was eventually rescued 
only by the intervention of the mayor of the city. This oc- 
curred in Boston and not in Charleston, but notwithstanding, 
it is fairly representative of the temper and method which 
were in evidence on the lower side of the Potomac. By a 
statute of Georgia, December 26, 1831, "five thousand dollars 
was appropriated 'to be paid to any person or persons who 
shall arrest, bring to trial and prosecute to conviction, under 
the laws of this state, the editor or publisher of a certain 
paper called the Liberator.' " "" "An Alabama minister wrote : 
'Let your emissaries dare to cross the Potomac, and I cannot 
promise you that your fate will be less than Haman's' " ^ It 
appears that in Petersburg, Virginia, in 1832, a bookseller 
named Robinson, for saying that the slaves ought to be emanci- 
pated, was whipped and driven from the town ; and that John 
Lamb was tarred and feathered and badly burned and whipped 
for taking the Liberator. * "Amos Dresser, a student of Lane 
Seminary and of Oberlin, in 1835, while on a colporteur trip to 
the south * * * was found in possession of an anti-slavery paper 
* * * for which he was severely whipped and expelled from the 
south." ^ Describing the circumstances, Miss Martineau says : 
"He was brought to trial by the Committee of Vigilance ; seven 
elders of the Presbyterian church at Nashville being among 
his judges. After much debate as to whether he should be 
hanged, or flogged with more or fewer lashes, he was con- 



1 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 246, 247. 

2 Ibid., p. 289. 

3 Ibid., p. 235. 

4 Of. Ibid., p. 236. 

5 Ibid., p. 236. 



The Defense of the Social System 39 

demned to receive twenty lashes, with a cow-hide, in the mar- 
ket-place of Nashville." ^ 

Pressure in Congress and throughout the nation 
was strongly felt from 1830 to the opening of the 
Civil War. Miss Martineau, writing of her visit to the United 
States in 1835-36, says : "When I entered the United States, 
there was an absolute and most ominous silence in Con- 
gress about Slavery. Almost every leading man there told me 
in conversation that it was the grand question of all ; that 
nearly all other questions were much affected, or wholly deter- 
mined by it ; yet no one even alluded to it in public. Before I 
left, it had found its way into both houses." ^ 

One of the strongest defenses made and one that served 
effectually to unite the South in resistance to the abolitionists 
was that made in opposition to amalgamation of the white and 
black races. Mr. W. W. Wright of New Orleans, writing in 
1860 on the subject of amalgamation, says: "Shall the white 
and black races in America abandon all distinctions of color, 
and unite, socially and politically as one people? Shall the 
warp of Anglo-Saxon civilization, now thrown across the great 
North American continent, be crossed by the woof of Ethiopian 
barbarism? * * * " 

"We attach more importance to the opinions of Dr. Nott 
on this subject, than to those of almost any other writer who 
has examined it, because we know of no one who has paid 
much attention to it whose experience has been so large as 
that of this gentleman." The following are the propositions 
maintained by this physician : '1. That mulattoes are the short- 
est lived of any class of the hutnan race. 2. That mulattoes 
are intermediate in intelligence between the blacks and the 
whites. 3. That they are less capable of undergoing fatigue 
and hardships, than either the blacks or the whites. 4. That 
the mulatto women are peculiarly delicate, and subject to a 
variety of chronic diseases. They are bad breeders, bad nurses, 
liable to abortions, and their children generally die young. 
5. That when mulattoes intermarry, they are less prolific than 
when crossed on the parent stocks.' Twelve years 
later, in 1854, Dr. Nott writes as follows : 'Almost fifty years 



1 Society in America, vol. I, p. 372. 

2 Ibid., vol. I, p. 44. 



40 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

of residence among the white and black races, spread in nearly 
equal proportions through South Carolina and Alabama, and 
twenty-five years' incessant professional intercourse with both, 
have satisfied me of the absolute truth of the preceding de- 
ductions.' " ^ Referring to Howison, the historian of \'irginia, 
Mr. Wright remarks: "The free negroes and mulattoes are 
unquestionably, says this historian, the most zicious and cor- 
rupting of the varied materials composing our social system."^ 
"This aversion to hybridity, then, is the safeguard of the 
people — the pledge to future generations, yet unborn, that they 
shall be brought into the tvorld zvith noble instincts, and 
healthy bodies, instead of imth vicious proclivities and dis- 
eaised organi::ations."^ Completing this argument the 
writer on this important subject remarks : "It is curious that 
the Mosaic law forbids, even in material things, anything 
approaching amalgamation : 'Thou shalt not sow thy vineyard 
with divers seeds. Thou shalt not plough with an ox and an 
ass together. Thou shalt not wear a garment of divers sorts, 
as of woollen and linen, together. * * * ' " ^ 

In matters and methods of legislation the various southern 
states were active in adopting long and threatening reports in 
respect to the encouragement of abolition meetings in the 
northern states, and in making peremptory demands on the 
northern states in regard to their virtual annulment of the 
fugitive slave law by passing personal liberty acts. "Thus 
the legislature of South Carolina, in 1835, 'announces her 
confident expectation and she earnestly requests, that the 
government of these [non-slave-holding] States will promptly 
and effectually suppress all those associations within their re- 
spective limits purporting to be abolition societies * * *.'"^ 
It is a well-known fact that the majority of the Supreme 
Court Justices through the period of slavery were favorable 
to the institution. Better evidence of this leaning and bias 
the abolitionists did not need than the famous Dred Scott 
Decision handed down in 1857 by Chief Justice Taney. In 
this decision the chief justice said that negroes, 'had been 



1 De Bow's Review, vol. XXIX. p. 1 ff; of. Types of Mankind, cliap. 12. 

2 De Bow's Review, vol. XXIX, p. 9. 

3 Ibid., p. 14. 

4 Ibid., p. 20; cf. Deut. XXII, 9, 10. 11. 

5 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 236, 237. 



The Defense of the Social System 41 

regarded as unfit to associate with the white race, either in 
social or political relations, and so far inferior that they had 
no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and 
that the negro might justly and lazufully he reduced to slavery 
for his benefit; that this opinion zvas, at that time, fixed and 
universal in the civili::cd portion of the zvhite race, and was 
regarded as an axiom in mC'rals as well as politics, zvhich no 
one thought of disputing, or supposed to be open to dispute." ^ 

Speaking further of the development of political influence 
by the slave power, Cairnes says : "With such success had the 
process been carried on, that in 1855, although the North had 
always furnished by far the greatest share of legal talent and 
learning to the bar of the Union, out of the nine judges who 
constituted the Supreme Court of the United States, five were 
Southern men and slaveholders, and the rest, though not 
natives of the South, were known to be in their sympathies 
strongly Southern." - 

To the same effect Professor Hart says : "In the national 
government the influence of the great slave-holders was para- 
mount during the whole period from 1815 to 1860. Of the five 
northern presidents — John Ouincy Adams, Van Buren, Fill- 
more, Pierce, and Buchanan — not one stood against the pro- 
slavery men while in office." ^ 

Writing of the almost hysterical condition to which the 
southern people had been brought in 1835 by the circulation 
of abolition literature, Postmaster-General Kendall, says: "So 
aggravated is the character of those papers that the people of 
the southern states with an unanimity never witnessed except 
in cases of extreme danger, have evinced, in public meetings 
and by other demonstrations, a determination to seek defence 
and safety in putting an end to their circulation by any means, 
and at any hazard. Lawless power is to be resisted ; but 
power which is exerted in palpable self-defense, is not law- 
less." 4 

Another measure and policy which public southern men 
immediately prior to the Civil War had begun to advocate 



1 Cairnes, The Slave Power, p. 126. 

2 Ibid., p. 126. 

3 Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 168. 

4 Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, vol. Ill, p. 620; also 

cf. Martineau, Society in America, vol. I, p. 45. 



42 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

with considerable force, was the boycott of northern manufac- 
tures and everything else northern as far as possible — the 
principle and policy of non-intercourse. Under an article en- 
titled, "What are we to do?," J. A. Turner of Georgia in 1860 
wrote: "How many of us are guilty of the gross inconsistency 
of professing to be ultra Southern Rights men and still in- 
variably employing northern teachers and mechanics, in pref- 
erence to Southerners ! * * * It is now pretty generally 
conceded at the South, that strict non-intercourse is the only 
thing which will bring the northern people to their senses. We 
cannot convince them that it is right for us to hold slaves, but 
we can cease to furnish them with the means of making war 
upon us and our institutions. We can touch their pocket-nerves, 
and send a thrill like an electric shock through the whole of 
their money-loving systems."-^ As showing the unanimity of 
sentiment and action in various southern States in the deter- 
mination to suppress all incitement of their slaves to discon- 
tent and rebellion, the following extracts from various laws 
are examples. 

LAWS RELATING TO SEDITIOUS WRITINGS 

Virginia. 

"1836, c. 66. An act to suppress the circulation of in- 
cendiary publications, and for other purposes," suppresses 
"certain incendiary books, pamphlets, or other writings of an 
inflammatory and mischievous character and tendency." - 

Maryland. 

"1835-6, c. 325. "Makes the printing of papers calculated 
to excite and create discontent among the people of color a 
felony, and 'high offence against the supremacy of this 
State.' " ' 

North Carolina. 

"1830, * * * c. 5. An act to prevent the circulation 
of seditious publications, etc., makes it a felony to incite in- 
surrection among slaves, or circulate writings having that 
tendency."^ 

1 De Bow's Review, vol. xxix, pp. 73, 74. 

2 J. C. Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage, vol. II, pp. 9, 10; 3 Ibid., 

p. 22; 4 Ibid., p. 86. 



The Defense of the Social System 43 

Tennessee. 

1835, * * * c. 44. Declares it a felony punishable with 
imprisonment to excite slaves to insurrection, etc., by words or 
gestures, or to incite others so to do. M. & C. §§ 2682-2684. — , 
c. 58. Declares it a felony punishable by imprisonment to 
persuade slaves to leave their masters with design of carry- 
ing them from the State, or, the harboring them for that end, 
M. & C. § 2660." 1 

South Carolina. 

"1844. — An act to provide for the punishment of persons 
disturbing the peace of this State in relation to slai'cs and 
free persons of color." ^ 

Georgia. 

"1829. — An act to amend the Quarantine Laws and 'to 
prevent the circulation of written or printed papers within 
this State calculated to excite disaffection among the colored 
people of this State, and to prevent said people from being 
taught to read or write, * * * ' " ^ 

Alabama. 

"1832, * * * 10. Prohibits, under fine, the attempt to 
teach any slave or free person of color to spell, read, or 
write. 10-24. Penalties for negroes writing passes ; free 
blacks forbidden to associate or trade with slaves ; more than 
five male slaves make an unlawful assembly; slaves may 
attend worship conducted by whites ; slaves or free negroes 
may not preach, etc., to slaves, etc., unless before five respect- 
able slaveholders, and the negroes so preaching, etc., to be 
licensed by some neighboring religious society. Clay's Al. D. 
p. 389. Code, §§ 1035, 1036, 1044."* 

Louisiana. 

"1830, * * * An act to punish, etc. 'That whosoever 
shall write, print, publish, or distribute anything having a tend- 
ency to produce discontent among the free colored population 
of the State or insubordination among the slaves therein, shall 
be punished by imprisonment at hard labor for life, or suflfer 
death. 2. 'Whosoever shall make use of language in any pub- 



1 J. C. Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage, vol. II, p. 93; 
2 ibid., p. 99; 3 ibid., p. 105; 4 ibid., p. 151. 



44 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

lie discourse, from the bar, the bench, the stage, the pulpit, or 
in any place whatsoever ; or whosoever shall make use of lan- 
guage in private discourses or conversations, or shall make use 
of signs or actions tending, etc., as above, shall be punished in 
like manner (R. S. §§27-30). 3. 'That all persons who shall 
teach, or permit or cause to be taught, any slave in this State 
to read or write,' shall be imprisoned not less than one nor more 
than twelve months." ^ 

Missouri. 

"1837. — An act to prohibit the publication, circulation, and 
prC'mulgation of the abolition doctrines. An. Laws, p. 3, in one 
section : providing punishment by fine and imprisonment." ^ 

Arkansas. 

"1850, Nov. 22. An act to prohibit the publication, cir- 
culation, or promulgation of the abolition doctrines. Ann., L^ 
p. 22 Sec. 1. 'That if a free person by speaking or writing 
maintain that owners have not a right of property in their 
slaves, he shall be confined in jail not more than one year and 
fined not exceeding one hundred dollars. 2. That if any free 
person write, print, or cause to be written or printed any book 
or other writing with intent to advise or incite negroes in this 
State to rebel or make insurrection or inculcating resistance to 
the right of property of masters in their slaves, or if he shall 
with intent to aid the purpose of any such book or writing 
knowingly circulate the same, he shall be confined in the 
penitentiary not less than one nor more than five years.' Rev. 
St., pp. 344, 345.2 

Mississippi. 

1830. — An act to prevent the circulation of seditious pam- 
phlets. Sec. 1. White persons, for this offence, punishable with 
fine and imprisonment. 2. Colored persons, for the same, with 
death. 3. No colored person to be employed in printing of- 
fices. 4. Not lawful for slaves or person of color to keep 
house of entertainment. 5. Justices and constables, dut\ to 
search into, etc. (Hutch. D. 949.)" * 



1 J. C. Hurd, The Law of Freedom an Bondage, vol. II, pp. 161, 162; 
2 Ibid., p. 170; 3 Ibid., p. 173: 4 Ibid., p. 147. 



The Defense of the Social System 45 

Primary social pressure expressed in legislation, in the or- 
ganization of vigilance committees, public opinion in favor of in- 
spection of mail-bags, policies and principles generally favored 
by pulpit and press, — seems to have been generally carried 
out in practice. Secondary social pressure, the measure of 
the efficient enforcement of primary social pressure, was a 
mighty principle which did summary team-work on both sides 
the line in the struggle between the states. The South, though 
her policy failed in the conflict, showed, nevertheless, a deter- 
mined people completely united in the continuance and defense 
of their honor and their social ideals. 



CHAPTER V 

THE DISTRIBUTION AND GROWTH OF THE POPULATION BY STATES 

The purpose of this chapter is to present the basic facts 
of the composition of the population of the South. First, will 
be presented general and special tables dealing with the vari- 
ous classes of the population, white, slave, and free-colored, 
for each decade from 1790 to 1860 by states. The 
tables are presented with comparatively little analysis further 
than to show how they are constructed and to indicate 
the uses to which they can be put. A reader familiar with 
local conditions in the South may possibly find in the tables 
many reasons for peculiar conditions that might otherwise be 
unexplained. It has been possible to indicate only a few of 
the great number of possible inferences that may be drawn 
from the tables. Throughout the tables, however, one is con- 
tinually reminded of the numerical disproportions between 
whites and negroes at various periods in a given locality or 
among different localities at any given time. 

Instead of taking one or two states as representative and 
studying them intensely, we have chosen to present the popula- 
tion figures for twelve states, namely, Missouri, Georgia, Ala- 
bama, Mississippi, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Arkansas. The 
entire area has been treated primarily with reference to the 
period 1790-1860. Certain of the tables, however, deal with 
the period 1840-1860 in such a way as to bring out certain 
changes that occurred in the composition of the population 
in that period as contrasted with the longer period from 
1790 to 1860. In a subsequent chapter, entitled The Persist- 
ence of the Social Forces, statistics for 1900 are considered 
by themselves. 

Table I gives the white, slave, and free-colored popula- 
tion of the twelve states by decades for the period 1790-1860, 
distributed by states. 

Table II shows the percentage of increase or loss in white, 
slave, and free-colored from decade to decade by states from 
1790 to 1860. It is necessary to point out that the absolute 
figures on which the percentages of this table are based (see 



Population by States 



47 



TABLE I 

Population distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored in 
12 States by Decades, 1790-1860 



1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. 



State 



White 

Missouri.. Slave 

Free-Colored 



Georgia. 



Alabama . 



W. 
.. S. 
F.-C. 

W. 
.. S. 
F.-C. 



W. 

Mississippi. S. 

F.-C. 



Maryland 



W. 
.. S. 
F.-C. 



W. 

Virginia S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Kentucky . . . S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

N. Carolina.. S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Tennessee.. S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

S. Carolina . . S. 

F.-C. 



W. 

Louisiana... S. 

F.-C. 



Arkansas, 



W. 
.. S. 
F.-C. 



52,886 

29,264 

398 



208,649 

103,036 

8,043 

391,524 

287,959 

12,254 

61,133 

12,430 

114 

288,204 

100.572 

4,975 

31,913 

3,417 

361 

140,178 

107,094 

1,801 



102,261 

59,406 

1,019 



4,446 

2,995 

159 

216,326 

105,635 

19,587 

443,386 

338,624 

19,598 

179,873 

40,343 

739 

337,764 

133,296 

7,043 

91,709 

13,584 

309 

196,255 

146,151 

3,185 



16,3031 55,988 

2,875| 10,222 

605| 347 

145,4141189,566 

105,218|149,656 

1,8011 1,763 



16,602 

14,523 

181 

235,117 

111,502 

33,927 

458,159 

381,680 

29,292 

324,237 

80,561 

1,713 

376,410 

168,824 

10,266 

215,875 

44,535 

1,317 

214,196 
196,365 

4,554 

34,311 
34,660 

7,585 



85,451 

41,879 

571 

42,176 

32,814 

458 

260,223 

107,397 

39,730 

482,849 

410,029 

35,470 

434,644 

126,732 

2,759 

419,200 

204,917 

14,712 

339,927 

80,107 

2,737 

237,440 

258,475 
6,826 

73,383 
69,064 
10,476 

12,579 

1,617 

59 



114,795 

25,091 

569 



323,888|592,004 

58,240| 87,422 

1,5741 2,618 



296,806 407,695|521,572 

217,531|280,944|381,682 

2,486| 2,753| 2,931 



190,406 
117,549 

1,572| 

70,443 

65,659 

519 

291,108 

102,994 

52,938 

537,216 

452,084 

45,181 

517,787 

165,213 

4,917 

472,843 

245,601 

19,543 

535,746 
141,603 

4,555 

257,863 

315,401 

7,921 

89,231 

109,588 

16,710 

25,671 

4,576 

141 



335,185|426,514 526,271 

253,532|342,844 435,080 

2,039| 2,259 2,690 



1,063,489 

114,931 

3,572 

591,550 

462,198 

3,500 



179,074 

195,211 

1,366 

318,204 

89,737 
62,078 

537,952 

430,499 

46,809 

590,253 

182,258 
7,317 

484,870 

245,817 

22,732 

640,627 

183,059 

5,524 

259,084 

327,038 

8,276 

158,457 

168,452 

25,502 

77,174 

19,935 

465 



295,718 353,899 

309,878 436,631 

930 773 



417,943 
90,368 

74,723 

616,069 

452,028 

51,251 

761,413 

210,981 

10,011 

553,028 

288,548 

27,463 

756,836 

239,459 

6,422 

274,563 

384,984 

8,960 

255,491 

244,809 

17,462 

162,189 

47,100 

608 



515,918 
87,189 
83,942 

691,773 

472,494 

55,269 

919,484 

225,483 

10,684 

629,942 

331,059 

30,463 

826,722 

275,719 

7,300 

291,300 

402,406 

9,914 

357,456 

331,726 

18,647 

324,143 

111,115 

144 



Attention is called to a very slight mistake in the census figvires for the free- 
colored of Alabama in 1850. The number reported in the census is 2265, but careful 
addition of the county figures shows that 2259 is the correct number. 



48 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

table I), must be kept in mind. For some states in the early 
periods, especially from 1790 to 1800. the absolute figures were 
comparatively small and in consequence the percentages of 
increase though sometimes very great do not necessarily show 
a sudden and great change in population conditions. For 
example, the 548.24 per cent, increase in free-colored from 
1790 to 1800 in Kentucky does not have any special signifi- 
cance, because (cf. table I) the absolute figures for the two 
decades were 114 and 739. For the later periods, however, 
the absolute figures have become sufficiently large to render 
percentages of increase somewhat more reliable and thus to 
render them indicative of significant social changes. In com- 
parison of rates, it must be remembered, reference should be 
made to table I in order to avoid invalid inferences. 

The percentages of increase were obtained from table I 
in the usual way. For example, the increase of 79.64 per cent, 
in whites in Missouri from 1850 to 1860 was obtained by sub- 
tracting the white population of Missouri for 1850 from that 
of 1860 and dividing the difiference by the white population of 
Missouri for 1850. 

In this table it is interesting to note that the figures for 
Missouri, Alabama. Mississippi, and Arkansas show that the 
population of these States increased at a phenomenal rate. 
The table also shows the striking fact of extreme variations 
in the rates of increase from decade to decade in these States. 
Mississippi and Arkansas are the best examples of the sud- 
den extreme rising and falling in the rates of increase. The 
white population of Mississippi from 1830 to 1840 increased 
122.52 per cent, over what it was in 1830. But from 1840 to 
1850 the increase was only 65.13 per cent, over what it was in 
1840. and a very decided fall likewise occurred in the rate of 
increase from 1850 to 1860. The slave and free-colored popu- 
lation are shown to have acted in similar ways. It is worthy 
of note that the rates of increase for the free-colored, although 
they show variation from decade to decade, nevertheless, for 
most of the states they show very little change in the abso- 
lute numbers of the free-colored, (see table I), because their 
absolute numbers were so small. This difiference is seen in 
still bolder fashion if one examines the rates of increase of 
the free-colored from 1840 to 1860 for almost everv state and 



Population by States 
TABLE II 



49 



Rate Per Cent, of Increase or Loss in Population of each 
State, distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored 
by Decades, 1790-1860 



State 



1790-1800 1800-1810 1810-1820 1820-1830 1830-1840 1840-18501850-1860 



White 

Missouri ..Slave 

Free-Colored 



Georgia 



W. 
. ..S. 
P.-C. 



W. 

Alabama S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Mississippi .. .S. 

F.-C. 



Maryland 



W. 
. ..S. 
F.-C. 



W. 

Virginia S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Kentucky S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

N. Carolina S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Tennessee S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

S. Carolina S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Louisiana . . . .S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Arkansas S. 

F.-C. 

* Loss 



93.36 
103.00 
156.03 



42.18 
77.11 
76.74 



3.67 
2.52 
143.52 

13.24 
17.59 
59.93 

194.23 
224.56 
548.24 

17.19 
32.53 
41.56 

187.37 
297.54 



243.42 
255 . 54 
*42.64 

30.36 

42.23 

* 2.10 



105.03182.14 

145.46132.11 

63.97176.62 

56.57i 37.36 
45.35| 29.15 
41.00 10.74 

122.82 76.03 
180.68115.68 
175.30 29.70 



273.41154.04 67.02 

384.90125.94100.09 

13.83153.03 13.31 



8.67 

5.55 

73.21 

3.33 
12.71 
44.36 

80.25 

99.69 

131.79 

11.44 

26.65 
45.76 

135.39 

227.84 
*14. 40 326.21 



10.67 11.86 
' 3.68* 4.09 
17.14 33.24 

5.38 11.25 

7.42 10.25 

21.09 27.37 



40.03 
35.53 

76.84 



9.14 
34.35 

42.98 



34.05 
57.31 
61.06 

11.36 
21.37 
43.30 

57.46 

79.87 
107. 

10.85 
31.62 
49.89 

113.87 
99.26 
38.11 



19.12 
30.36 

78.21 

12.79 
19.85 
32.83 

57.65 
76.76 
66.41 

8.60 
22.02 
16.04 

21.59 

58.67 
59.50 

104.07 
182.37 

138.98 229.78 



122.52 
197.31 
163.19 

9.30 

*12.87 

17.26 

.13 

* 4.77 
3! 63 

13.99 
10.31 

48.81 

2.54 

.08 

16.31 

19.57 

29.27 
21.27 

.47 

3.68 
4.48 

77.58 
53.71 
52.61 



200.62 
335.64 



82.78 
50.16 
66.20 

27.93 

35.86 

6.46 

27.21 
35.22 
11.83 

65.13 

58.74 
*31.91 

31.34 

.70 

20.36 

14.52 

^5.00 

9.48 

28.99 
15.15 
36.81 

14.05 
17.38 
20.81 

18.13 
25.34 
16.07 

"6.36 
17.71 

"8.26 

61.23 
45.32 
'31.52 



101.60 
136.26 



79.64 
31.45 
36.43 

13.41 
21.09 
18.41 

23.38 
26.90 
19.07 

19.60 
40.90 

*16.88 

23.44 
' 3.51 
12.33 

12.28 
4.52 

7.83 

20.76 

6.87 
6.72 

13.90 
14.73 
10.92 

9.23 
15.14 
13.67 

6.09 

4.52 

10.64 

39.90 
35.50 

6.78 



99.23 
135.91 



30.751*76.31 



50 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

compares these rates with the corresponding absolute numbers 
in table I. The predominant fact is a decrease in the rate of 
growth of the free-colored population in the later decades. 
The figures in this table reveal the extreme irreconcilableness, 
after 1840, of the co-existence of slavery and freedom among 
the blacks in these states. They are in accord with the known 
fact that discipline of the free-colored became more and more 
strict as the War approached. 

We now proceed to a consideration of several tables (for 
convenience printed together as table III and diagrams A, B, 
C, and D), which show (a) the ranking of the states in the 
area of each state expressed as a percentage of the total area 
of the twelve states combined and (b) the ranking of each 
state in the average of its white, slave, and free-colored popu- 
lation for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as a percentage 
of the average population for corresponding classes in the 
total area under consideration for the same censuses. 



Population by States 



51 



TABLE III 

Ranking of the States (a) in area of each State expressed 
as a percentage of the total area of the 12 States (b) 
in the average population of each State for the censuses 
1840-1860, expressed as a percentage of the average 
population of the 12 States for the same censuses 









— 5; -c 


c 


n of each 
360. ex- 

erage of 
2 States 


£ 

3 


of each 
360, ex- 
average 
ates fur 


a 


lation of 

40-1860, 

average 

f the 12 


a 








Stat 
ed a 
latlo 
suses 


« 


latio 
40-1 
le a 
he 1 


a 



|XI^ 


c 



popu 

E8 If 

f the 
Ion 
es 


a 
2 






i 


•S" qS 


e« 


Q'"'. 


c» 


3rt 


at 


■2§ «3 




State 


a 




on of ea 
60. expre 
verage po 
e same c 


c 
1 


White po 
censuses 
centage 0: 
lation of 
n suses 


c 


Slave pop 
censuses 
rcentage 
1 of the 
es 


a 


ree-colort 
the cens 
ercentage 
red popul 
ame cens 






e4 


Si2 


pulat 

he a 
or th 


1 


the 

the 
a per 
popu 

ne Cf 


5 


the 
the 

a pe 
latioi 
ensus 


1 


the F 

for 
sac 
-colo 
the 8 


1 

<a 




CQ 


"0 


^""^; M 


a3„ 






I. 2 q" 
° « ® 




*-S * i t. 






o 
a 

03 


« 
-0 S 


Average 
censuses 
centage 
12 Stat 




Average 
State f 
pressed 
the Wl 
for tlie 


MS 

a 3 


Average 
State f 
pressed 
Slave p 
the saru 


c 3 

k1 


Average 
each St 
expresse 
of the ] 
States 






X 


II 


III 


iv 


V 


VI 


VII 


VIII 


IX 


X 


Maryland . . . 


12 


1.84 


6.50 


10 


7.34 


8 


2.93 


10 


35.66 


1 


S. Carolina. . 


11 


5.62 


7.34 


8 


4.84 


10 


12.24 


3 


4.38 


6 


Kentucky, . . 


10 


7.48 


10.90 


3 


13.33 


1 


6.79 


9 


4.52 


5 


Virginia. . . . 


9 


7.50 


12.53 


1 


10.83 


4 


14.88 


1 


24.77 


2 


Tennessee. . . 


8 


7.81 


10.99 


2 


13.05 


2 


7.67 


8 


3.10 


7 


Louisiana. . . 


7 


8.49 


5.89 


11 


4.52 


11 


8.18 


7 


9.95 


4 


Mississippi . . 


6 


8.66 


6.62 


9 


4.86 


9 


10.34 


4 


.49 


11 


N. Carolina. 


5 


9.08 


9.76 


5 


9.78 


5 


9.50 


6 


13.03 


3 


Alabama. . . . 


4 


9.64 


8.32 


7 


7.55 


7 


10.23 


5 


1.12 


10 


Arkansas . . . 


3 


9.92 


2.77 


12 


3.30 


12 


1.95 


12 


.19 


12 


Georgia 

Missouri .... 


2 


11.03 


9.92 


4 


8.92 


6 


12.35 


2 


1.48 


8 


1 


12.85 


8.40 


6 


11.61 


3 


2.86 


11 


1.25 


9 




Cf 


. all Dla- 


Cf. Dlae 


Tarn 


i 

Cf. Dla«nuD 


Cf. DIagrmm 


Cf. Dlasrsm 






graniB 


A 




B 


c 


D 



0^ 



Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 



DIAGRAM A- 

Ranking of States (a) in area of each State expressed as 
a percentage of the total area of the 12 States and (b) in the 
average population of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, 
expressed as a percentage of the average population of the 12 
States for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns 
II and III.) 



tH 



H 





























































\- 
























A 


V 




"f 


















/ 


\ 


K 


r 


\ 














/ 




\ 


r 






\i^ 






\*- 


^ 


-- 


-^1 




\ 


^ 






















tV 


















































19 



























































area percentages 



/^% 



1 Md. 



2 


s. C. 


3 


Ky. 


4 


Va. 


5 


Tenn 


6 


La. 


7 


Miss. 


8 


N. C. 


9 


Ala. 


10 


Ark. 


11 


Ga. 


12 


Mo. 



Each space in all diagrams denotes 154%- 



Population by States 



53 



DIAGRAM B 

Ranking of States (a) in percentages of area as in preced- 
ing diagram and (b) in the average of tlie white population 
of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as a per- 
centage of the average of the white population of the 12 States 
for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns II andV.) 



'i% 



'% 



Si» 





































1 


'f 
























h 








/a 














1 


] 






/ 
















/ 




K 


"/ 


/ 














j 






\ 


/ 










'S 


N, 




/ 




















•s 


\ 


/ 
























^t 




t\ 


7 
























/« 
































































J 


^ 






i 


"?. 






li 



1 Md. 

2 S. C. 

3 Ky. 

4 Va. 

5 Tenn. 
f. La. 

7 Miss. 

8 N. C. 

9 Ala 

10 Ark. 

11 Ga. 

12 Mo. 



^a> 



AREA PERCENTAGES 



54 



Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 



DIAGRAM G 

Ranking of States (a) in percentages of area as in pre- 
ceding diagrams and (b) in the average of the slave popula- 
tion of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as 
a percentage of the average of the slave population of the 12 
States for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns II 
and VII.) 




AREA PERCENTAGES 



Arkansas should show 1.95 per cent, and Georgia 12.35 per 
cent, of the population on the above diagram. 



Population by States 
DIAGRAM D 



55 



Ranking of States (a) in percentages of area as in preced- 
ing diagrams and (b) in the average of the free-colored popu- 
lation of each State for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as 
a percentage of the average free-colored population of the 12 
States for the same censuses. (Compare table III, columns II 
and IX.) 







\ 
























ar^a 






































-W' 


















1 
































\ 
























^Ofi 


































\ 




























\ 




























\ 




















1 Md. 


"^fo 






\ 






'^ 














2 S. C. 








\ 




















3 Ky. 


ir. 

w 
o 
< 

H 

u 
w 






\ 




















4 Va. 






\ 




















5 Tenn. 








1 










































6 La. 


o 


























7 Miss. 


< 


























8 N. C. 


D "7 

O 


























9 Ala. 


Ci 
















tS 










10 Ark. 












































t. 












11 ua. 


/o^ 


























12 Mo. 












\ 
































^. 












H 


































A 


3 




j 




































I 






























, 


II 


, 


la. 
















J — 




•; 


1 ID 


V 








- 



AREA PERCENTAGES 



»rf* 



56 



Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 



Many special tables could of course be calculated from the 
census figures. It is because of the fact that changes in the 
numbers and proportions of the free-colored constitute a pecu- 
liarly important index of the pressure of opinion and feel- 
ing, that we have chosen the following table IV as one of 
peculiar interest. 

TABLE IV 

Ratio in Per Cents, of Free-colored to Slave in each 
State by Decades, 1790-1860 



State 



1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 



Missouri. . . 
Georgia. . . . 
Alabama. . . 
Mississippi. 
Maryland. . 
Virginia . . . 
Kentucky. . 
N. Carolina, 
Tennessee. . 
S. Carolina. 
Louisiana. . 
Arkansas. . 



i.;56 



7.80 
4.60 
.91 
4.94 
10.56 
1.68 



1.71 



5.30 
18.54 
5.78 
1.83 
5.28 
2.27 
2.17 



21.04 
1.71 



1.24 
30.42 
7.67 
2.12 
6.08 
2.95 
2.31 
21.88 



3.39 
1.17 
1.36 
1.39 

36.99 
8.65 
2.17 
7.03 
3.41 
2.64 

15.16 
3.03 



2 
1 
1 

51 
9, 
2, 
7, 
3, 
2, 

15, 
3, 



,70 2 

,97 
,80 
,69 
,1781 



3.10 

.75 

.61 

.17 

96.27 

11.60 

4.29 

9.20 

2.64 

2.46 

5.62 

.12 



This table, unlike the last diagram discussed, does not per- 
mit one to compare differences in density of free-colored, one 
state with another, but shows the proportion of free-colored to 
slave by states for the decades from 1790 to 1860. Here also, 
as in diagram D, Maryland is the striking State. In 1790 
there were less than 8 free-colored to every 100 slaves but 
the proportion steadily increased until in 1860 there were 
over 96 free-colored to 100 slaves. In Alabama and Miss- 
issippi the contrary tendency was marked, the proportions 



PoPUi,ATiON BY States 57 

from 1800 to 1860 falling from 4.65 and 5.30 free-colored to 
every 100 slaves, to .61 and .17 free-colored to 100 slaves, re- 
spectively. The large percentage of free-colored in Mary- 
land, however, must not be construed as due to relatively 
little sentiment against the freeing of slaves. Social pressure in 
Maryland simply did not have the economic features behind it 
that were present in other states. Furthermore, the proximity 
of Maryland to the North made it more difficult to exert 
pressure even though the desire was present. The spirit of 
Maryland's laws shows that she was in unequivocal agreement 
with the South on this question. A discussion of the tables 
and diagrams together will perhaps render an understanding 
of their connection clearer. For definiteness of information 
the tables may be utilized to advantage apart from the dia- 
grams, but the latter serve the additional purpose of making 
graphic the area and population rankings of the states and 
enable us quickly to make comparisons of the detailed data 
contained in the tables. In the tables the states are named 
in order of area and the exact figures of rank according to 
area appear in column II. In column III is given the ranking 
according to average population for the censuses 1840-1860. 
Diagram A is based on these two columns of figures and 
brings out the order of rank in both respects with greater 
clearness. The area-rank is plotted on the abscissa and the 
population-rank on the ordinates in accordance with the scales 
indicated on the left margin and the base of the diagram. The 
dots and figures represent the twelve states as follows : 
1, Maryland; 2, South Carolina; 3, Kentucky; 4, Virginia; 
5, Tennessee ; 6, Louisiana ; 7, Mississippi ; 8, North Carolina ; 
9, Alabama; 10, Arkansas; 11, Georgia; 12, Missouri. 

The relation of any state to any of the others is instantly 
perceived. For example (diagram A) Louisiana (6), is dis- 
covered not merely to be sixth in area, but to possess nearly 
9 per cent, of the total area of the twelve states, and to have 
had but 6 per cent, of the average population, 1840-1860. 
It also appears that Arkansas had the smallest proportion of 
the average population. Similarly the position of any other 
state is clearly and instantly perceived. By comparing in this 
way the area-rank with the population-rank of each state one 
is enabled the better to appreciate the changes in relative 



58 Social Solidarity and IL\ce Inequalities 

population density for each of the states. This is done in the 
table and in the various diagrams for the period 1840-1860 
for the several classes of the population, average of the three 
classes combined, and the average of each treated separately. 

Inasmuch as the area-ranking remains constant, one can 
of course readily find the changes in the relative average 
density of the population for the different classes from decade 
to decade in the various states, by noting their variation in 
population-ranking. If the figures themselves are desired one 
can obtain from column III of table III the exact proportion 
of population percentages for any combination of states 
selected with reference to area. For example, by adding to- 
gether the figures of the area percentages of the first five 
states in area, namely, Maryland, South Carolina, Kentucky, 
Virginia, and Tennessee, and obtaining the sum of their re- 
spective proportions of the total area thus distributed, it is 
found that they contained 30.25 per cent, of the total area and 
48.26 per cent, of the population of the 12 states for the cen- 
suses 1840-1860 taken together. If the last three States, 
Missouri, Georgia, and Arkansas be taken, it will appear that 
they together possessed 33.80 per cent, of the area, but only 
21.09 per cent, of the population. Arkansas had the smallest 
proportion of the population (2.77 per cent.), but had 9.92 
per cent, of the total area. Diagram B reflects columns II 
and V of table III. Here the white population alone is con- 
sidered and is represented on the diagram in connection with 
area-rank as before. One of the things this diagram readily 
shows, is the marked difference in the white population- 
ranking of the several states. By keeping in mind the scale 
of measurement for area and for population, we see instantly 
that the average white population density of Maryland, Ken- 
tvicky, Virginia, and Tennessee was much greater than that 
of any of the other states. 

Considering now columns VII and VIII of table III — the 
figures of which were obtained by the same methods used for 
column V — and referring to diagram C, which is based on 
column VII, we arrive at some interesting facts concerning 
the slave population during the period 1840-1860. Our atten- 
tion is at once drawn to the disproportionate per cent, of 
slaves in Virginia and South Carolina, the former of these 



Population by States 59 

States representing the ninth place in area and the first in 
the number of slaves, and the latter, the eleventh place in 
area and the second in number of slaves. It is noticeable that 
Georgia had a large per cent, of slave population, but in rela- 
tive average density she was much behind the above-named 
States, occupying as she did fourth place in the average popu- 
lation but second place in area. By far the greater disparity 
in the comparative density of white and slave population is 
seen if we compare 2.86 per cent, in column VII of the slave 
and 11.61 per cent, in column V of the white for the State of 
Missouri. For the period 1840-1860 diagram B shows a 
marked tendency toward evenness in the distribution of the 
white population, and the population-rankings of diagram C 
when compared with the census figures of the slave popula- 
tion prior to 1840, reveal a similar tendency in the slave popu- 
lation. In slave population the States of Virginia, South 
Carolina, North CaroHna, and Maryland, sustained heavy 
losses. Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, realized 
the greatest gains. 

Perhaps as interesting a comparison of data as is made 
in any part of this investigation is presented in columns II 
and IX of table III and in the corresponding diagram D. In 
accordance with the methods used for the other classes, this 
column presents results for the free-colored population con- 
sidered separately. The pre-eminent rank of Maryland is 
noticeable. When, moreover, it is considered that Maryland 
ranked lowest in area, this ranking in free-colored, is still 
more interesting. If now the relative average density (per 
square mile) in free-colored of the two States, Maryland and 
Missouri, is obtained, the results are striking. Dividing the 
percentage for the free-colored population-rank of Maryland 
from 1840 to 1860, namely, 35.66 by the percentage for area- 
rank, 1.84, and, similarly for Missouri, dividing 1.25 by 12.85, 
we obtain 19.38 and .097 as indices of the very great difference 
in the average density of the free-colored in Maryland and 
Missouri for those censuses. Now if we divide 19.38 by .097. 
we obtain 199.79, which means that for the period 1840-1860, 
Maryland had an average of 199.79 times as many free- 
colored as Missouri per square mile. In like manner the com- 
parative average density for any class of the population or 



60 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

for tlie three classes combined may be obtained for other 
states. If we wish to know the ratio of the absolute numbers 
of the population as a whole or by classes of any state to 
those of any other state for the censuses 1840-1860, we can 
readily obtain the same by comparing the population percent- 
ages of those states. For example, it is instantly perceived 
that Maryland's free-colored population was much greater 
than that of any other state. By dividing 35.66 per cent, for 
Maryland by 1.25 per cent, for Missouri, it is seen that, in 
absolute numbers, Maryland had for those censuses an average 
of more than 28 times as many free-colored as Missouri. If 
we wish to make a comparison of the relative average density 
of the population with the actual density by decades, we can 
do so by finding the relative average densities, using the data 
of table III, and comparing the results with the actual densities 
by decades given in the U. S. census. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE DISTRIBUTION AND GROWTH OF THE POPULATION BY STATE- 
DIVISIONS 

As one of our chief purposes was to discover the local color- 
ing peculiar to various parts of the states, we have found it 
necessary to consider areas smaller than states. To have used 
counties alone, would have made it impossible to show the 
significant differences among divisions that geographically or 
ethnically belong together. The method adopted — that of a 
somewhat arbitrary division of each state into two approxi- 
mately equal areas — suffices to bring out these significant dif- 
ferences in some detail, because it so happens that the areas 
so created could be made to correspond roughly with the sig- 
nificant geographic, ethnic, and industrial differences to which 
reference has been made. ^ 

No particular advantage even with respect to local color 
was to be gained by any attempt to run the divisional lines 
in accordance with any other principle of division unless a 
larger number of divisions could have been created. This, 
however, would have rendered the calciilations too onerous. 
Some of the states are divided by a line running north and 
south and others by a line running east and west. The 
decision as to the direction of the division line was in all 
cases except one based on the principle of the rela- 
tive geographic and ethnic homogeneity of the areas which 
were to be marked off by the line.^ No attempt was 
made to have the two sections into which the states were 
divided absolutely equal, but that approximate equality 
was obtained is shown by the fact that in no case was the 
proportion of the areas greater than 60 to 40. In most 
cases the proportion was 55 to 45 or still nearer equality. As, 
in respect to each subject investigated, the figures for each 
division into which the several states were divided, were ob- 
tained by the addition of the figures for counties given in the 
return of eight separate censuses, and as the sum of the totals 



1 Cf. Map opposite p. 63. 

2 Boundary line for east and west Kentucky, the same as that given in 

map of the Biennial Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction 
of Kentucky for 1908-1909, p. 364. 



62 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

of the two divisions in each state were found to tally exactly 
with the census totals for each state taken as a whole, it is 
not too much to claim substantial accuracy for the calculations 
involved, even though the mere transcription of the individual 
county figures for Table V. alone required more than twenty 
thousand operations. There were 888 counties in 1860 in 
the twelve states with which we have dealt, and each county 
forms a separate unit in the investigation for each of the 
three classes of the population. In 1900 the number of coun- 
ties had increased somewhat, but it was possible to locate all 
new comities by careful examination of the large state maps by 
Rand, McNally & Co., for 1900. This is what was done, and 
every county not included in the original 888 was considered in 
accordance with the method applied for the preceding period. 
For purposes of verification of all the data contained in all 
tables, we give here a list of boundary counties for each of 
the twelve States as follows : 

East Maryland: Baltimore, Anne Arundel, Calvert. 

East South Carolina: Lancaster, Fairfield, Richland, 
Orangeburg, Colleton, Beaufort. 

West Kentucky : Jefferson, Spencer, Nelson, Washing- 
ton, Marion, Casey, Russell, Cumberland. 

East Virginia: Loudon, Fauqier. Culpeper, Orange, 
Louisa, Goochland, Cumberland, Prince Edward, Lunenburg, 
Mecklenburg. 

West Tennessee : Sumner, Davidson, Williamson, Mar- 
shall, Bedford, Moore, Lincoln. 

West Louisiana : Union, Lincoln, Jackson, Winn, Grant, 
Rapides, Calcasieu, Acadia, Vermillion. 

South Mississippi : Issaquena, Sharkey, Warren, Hinds, 
Madison, Leake, Neshoba, Kemper. 

East North Carolina : Person, Durham, Chatham, Har- 
nett, Cumberland, Scotland, Richmond. 

South Alabama: Sumter, Marengo, Hale, Perry, Dallas, 
Autauga, Elmore, Macon, Lee. 

East Arkansas: Fulton, Izard, Stone, Cleburne, Faulk- 
ner, Pulaski, Jefferson, Grant, Cleveland, Calhoun, Bradley, 
Ashley. 




MAP OF 
THE TWELVE STATES 

THE SLIGHTLY HEAVIER LINES SHOW NORTH 
AND SOUTH. EAST AND WEST DIVISIONS 



CF TABLE VII. 



Population by State-Divisions 63 

South Georgia : Harris, Talbot, Upson, Crawford, Hous- 
ton, Twiggs, Wilkinson, Johnson, Emanuel, Bulloch, Effing- 
ham. 

South Missouri : Bates, Henry, Benton, Morgan, Moni- 
teau, Cole, Osage, Gasconade, Franklin, St. Louis. 

The divisions appear definitely on the accompanying map. 

The first two tables based on divisions of states (tables V 
and VI) are similar to the first two (I and 11) based on 
states, which have already been considered in chapter \'. Table 
V gives the white, slave, and free-colored population of the 24 
divisions by decades for the period 1790-1860 distributed by 
divisions. 

This table of absolute numbers was obtained by combining 
the census figures for the several classes of the population by 
counties, in accordance with the state divisions created. For 
example, all the counties in eastern North Carolina were 
arranged in an array by themselves, and all the western 
counties, by themselves, and the census figures for white, slave, 
and free-colored for each county were tabulated for each of 
the eight censuses from 1790 to 1860, and the sum of the 
census figures for each class for all the counties in the eastern 
part of the State were added to the sum of the census figures 
for the same class in the western part of the State, and this 
grand sum was compared with the total number given in the 
U. S. census for each separate decade, and the two numbers 
were found to be exactly the same. This method was used 
for each of the 24 divisions of the 12 States for each class of 
the population, for the entire period covered. An addition of 
the numbers for the complementary divisions of this table will 
give a total identical with the number for the 12 States, found 
in table I of chapter V. 

Table VI shows the percentage of increase or loss in white, 
slave, and free-colored from decade to decade, 1830-1860, by 
state-divisions. As with tables I and II, it is necessary here 
to remember that the percentage of change must be consid- 
ered in connection with the absolute figures on which they are 
based (table I). 

In table VI very decided variations occur in the rates of 
increase and loss in the several classes of the population for 
the different sections. Some of these figures do not mean as 



64 



Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 



TABLE V 

Population distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored in 
Divisions of the 12 States by Decades, 1790-1860 



state 



1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. 



NORTH 

White 

Missouri.. Slave 

Free-Colored 



Georgia. 



Alabama. 



W. 
. . S. 
F. C. 

W. 
. . S. 
F. C. 



w. 

Mississippi. S. 
F. C. 

EAST 

W. 

Maryland. . . S. 
F. C. 

W. 

Virginia. ... S. 

F. C. 



Kentucky 



W. 
.. S. 
F. C. 



N. 



W 

Carolina. . S. 

F. C. 



W. 

Tennessee . . S. 

F. C. 

W. 

S. Carolina. .S. 

F. C. 



Louisiana, 



Arkansas , 



W. 
. . S. 
F. C. 

W. 
. . S. 
F.-C. 



47,039| 88,487 
16,0031 38,999 

240 725 



111,014 

53,445 

5,745 

232,482 

233,072 

10,598 

47,244 

10,279 

74 

185,508 

86,141 

4,582 

26,100 

2,256 

293 

66,183 

94,164 

1,527 



124,432 
54,168 
14,735 

240,501 

260,558 

16,177 

129,341 

30,498 

525 

201,160 

111,410 

6,151 

73,850 
6,836 

288 

84,184 

122,573 

2,610 



3,221 

271 

13 



27,938 

4,852 

48 



121,728|146,024 

74,739 109,902 

941 773 



143,170 
55,666 
23,358 

239,100 

276,179 

23,820 

213,921 

55,317 

1,146 



54,664 

21,888 

251 

2,192 
522 

7 

158,269 
53,368 
30,270 

247.891 

286,787 

28,828 

269,891 

78,133 

1,973 



214,690 236,218 

135,687 159,410 

9,2061 12,908 



141,903 

18,879 

978 

85,623 

150,757 

3,757 

32,202 

32,103 

7,281 



207,432 

32,123 

1,960 

98,267 

192,038 

5,735 

66,147 

63,249 

9,976 

8,939 
984 

47 



65,703 

15,881 

139 

224,768 

160,668 

1,674 

115,236 

60,817 

599 

9,871 

5,661 

28 

177,011 
48,206 
40,344 

256,188 

302,647 

36,222 

314,826 

101,679 

3,499 

251,380 

182,636 

16,422 

279,567 

44,870 

2,861 

106,521 

220,876 

6,379 

81,757 

100,473 

16,055 

14,026 

2,4421 

116 



172,6871290,676 505,011 

40,115| 62,361[ 85,990 

374 6851 999 



280,181 

180,799 

1,528 



362,794|401,757 

237,899|269,610 

1,6791 2,042 



195,619 253,6791304,248 

102,472|135,114'158,412 

641| 7161 811 

91,7241178,3621202,241 

81,8761160,368239,593 

4391 1891 129 



181,310 
40,037 
46,712 

243,752 

276,631 

36,427 

318,159 

100,685 

4,678 



270,633 345,104 



39,367] 
58,152| 



36,766 
63,673 



264,1041298,836 

281,717 293,731 

40,104| 43,053 

404,516 472,764 

110,234|108,262 

5,6841 6,019 



250,469 264,092[296,369 

182,5981207,0731240,449 

19,0861 22,115| 24,184 



323,532 

47,906 

3,269 

104,937 

218,058 

6,261 

139,288 

145,113 

24,166 

30,959 

9,761 

214 



376,547|413,913 

69,382| 67,982 
3,9181 4,536 

I 

120,0891134,683 

244,5821247,784 

6,910| 7,243 

I 

210,1491284,632 

198,2831256,744 

16,055| 16,854 

I 
62,492|134,484 
21,7561 66,221 
2071 51 



It will be observed that for 1800 and ISIO no figures are given for northern 
MississipDi but that figures are given for the southern part of the State. The 
reason is that, although there were a few persons reported for northern Mississippi 
for those dates, they were reported for counties that were at the time of the census 
enumeration not included In the State. In considering census figures by counties 



Population by State-Divisions 



65 



TABLE V— Continued 

Population distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored in 
Divisions of the 12 States by Decades, 1790-1860 



state 



1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. 



SOUTH 

White 

Missouri. .Slave 

Free-Colored 

W. 

Georgia S. 

F. C. 



Alabama. 



W. 
. . S. 
F. C. 



W. 

Mississippi. S. 

F. C. 



WEST 



Maryland 



Virginia . 



Kentucky 



W. 
.. S. 
F. C. 

W. 
. . S. 
F. C. 

W. 

.. s. 

F. C. 



N. 



W. 

Carolina.. S. 

F. C. 



W. 

Tennessee. . S. 

F. C. 

W. 

S. Carolina . . S. 

F. C. 



Louisiana, 



W. 

. . s. 

F. C. 



W. 

Arkansas. . . S. 

F. C. 



5,847 

13,261 

158 



97,635 

49,591 

2,298 

159,042 

54,887 

1,656 

13,889 

2,151 

40 

102,696 

14,431 

393 

5,813 

1,161 

68 

73,995 

12,930 

274 



13,774 

20,407 
294 



4,446 

2,995 

159 

91,894 

51,467 

4,852 

202,885 

78,066 

3,421 

50,532 

9,845 

214 

136,604 

21,886 

892 

17,859 

6,748 

21 

112,071 

23,578 

575 



13,082 

2,604 

592 

23,686 

30,479 

860 



16,602 

14,523 

181 

91,947 
55,836 
10,569 

219,059 

105,501 

5,472 

110,316 

25,244 
567 

161,720 

33,137 

1,060 

73,972 

25,656 

339 

128,573 

45,608 

797 

2,109 

2,557 

304 



28,050 

5,370 

299 

43,542 

39,754 

990 



49,092 

9,210 

430 

72,038 

56,863 

812 



30,787 75,170 

19,991 56,732 

320, 973 

39,984 60,572 

32,292 59,998 

4511 491 

I 

101,954 114,097 

54,029, 54,788 

9,460, 12,594 

234,958' 281,028 

123,242 149,437 

6,642; 8,959 

164,753 202,961 

48,599i 63,534 

786 1,418 

182,982 221,463 

45,507i 62,965 

l,804j 3,121 

132,495 256,179 

47,984 96,733 

777 1,694, 

139,173' 151,342 

66,433, 94,525 

1,091 1,542 



7,236 

5,815 

500 



7,474 

9,115 

655 



3,640 11,645 

633 2,135 

12 25 



151,201 

18,125 

1,200 

127,514 

100,145 

1,225 

139,566 

151,060 

1,398 

87,350 

113,335 

927 

126,894 
49,788 
15,366 

294,200 

153,868 

10,382 

272,094 

81,573 

2,639 

234,401 

63,219 

3,646 

317,095 

135,153 

2,255 

154,147 

108,980 

2,015 

19,169 

23,339 

1,336 

46,215 

10,174 

251 



301,3281558,478 



25,061 
1,933 

158,778 

143,783 

1,252 

172,835 

207,730 

1,543 



28,941 
2,573 

189,793 

192,588 

1,458 

222,02j: 

276,668 

1,879 



117,356|151,658 
149,510 197,038 
741 644 



147,310 
51,001 
16,571 

351,965 

170,311 

11,147 

356,897 

100,747 

4,327 

288,936 

81,475 

5,348 

380,289 

170,077 

2,504 

154,474 

140,402 

2,050 

45,342 

46,526 

1,407 

99,697 

25,344 

401 



170,814 
50,423 
20,269 

392,937 

178,763 

12,216 

446,720 

117,221 

4,665 

333,573 

90,610 

6,279 

412,809 

207,737 

2,764 

156,617 

154,622 

2,671 

72,824 

74,982 

1,793 

189,659 

44,894 

93 



only for the period for which the county areas have been parts of the States, all 
figures by counties prior to that period are omitted from this table and necessarily 
from all the following derived tables. The figures referred to are indicated in the 
U. S. census by a parenthesis thus, "(a)." They are, for all comparative purposes, 
Infinitesimal. 



66 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

much as at first sight we should suppose, but some of them 
mean much more. The increase of the white population in 
northern Mississippi from 1830 to 1840 was 829.22 per cent., 
but the total white population in northern Mississippi in 1830 
was less than 10,000. The per cent, for the free-colored in 
the same area in the same decade was 1467.85, but this very 
great percentage of increase is not of special significance, be- 
cause the free-colored in northern Mississippi in 1830 were 
so few, there being only 28 in all. Data in a table of this 
kind must therefore be employed with the utmost discrimina- 
tion. This can be done only by constant reference to the 
table of absolute numbers upon which the derived table is 
based. A small percentage of increase or loss may be de- 
cidedly more significant in various instances in this and many 
of the other tables than a very large percentage. The slave pop- 
ulation of eastern Maryland, for example, from 1830 to 1840 
decreased 16.94 per cent. The fact of any decrease at all is 
interesting, but it would not be half as significant if in 1830 
in eastern Maryland there had been only 1,000 slaves instead 
of the number 48,206, for in that case there would have been 
a loss of fewer than 170 slaves for the decade. As it was, 
there was a loss of more than 8,000. These examples are 
sufficient to illustrate the significance of such a table. Making 
comparisons of figures in this cautious way, one can make an 
almost endless number of useful comparisons in re- 
spect to the growth of the population in the states, comparisons 
of growth between the states and also between the sections 
within any one of the states. If we compare the rate of in- 
crease in the white population of eastern Maryland with that 
of western Maryland from 1840 to 1850 we shall note that in 
the east the increase was 41.46 per cent., in the west only 16.08. 
This, in accordance with what has been previously stated, is 
the more significant when we compare the absolute numbers 
for the whites for the sections in 1840, the east then having 
roughly 50,000 more whites than the west. The rate of 
the growth of the white, slave, and free-colored population 
in the various sections may be usefully associated with the 
character of the occupations and industries of the people. With 
slight exception, the area of the twelve southern states during 
the period covered by these tables was devoted to agriculture. 



Population by State-Divisions 
TABLE VI 



67 



Rate Per Cent, of Increase or Loss of Population of each State- 
division, distributed as White, Slave, and Free-colored 
by Decades, 1830-1860 



state 



1830-40 1840-50 1850-60 



State 



1830-40 1840-50 1850-60 



NORTH 

White 

Missouri. .Slave 

Free-Colored 

W. 

Georgia S. 

F.-C. 



Alabama. 



W. 

. . s. 

F.-C. 



W. 
Mississippi. S. 
F.-C. 
EAST 

W. 

Maryland . . . S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Virginia.... S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Kentucky. . . S, 

F.-C. 

W. 

N. Carolina.. S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Tennessee. . S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

S. Carolina. .S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Louisiana... S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Arkansas . . . S. 

F.-C. 



162.82 

152.59 
169.06 

20,23 
12.52 

*8.72 

69.75 

68.49 

7.01 

829.22 
146.31 

1467.85 

8.07 

*16.94 

15.79 

*4.85 

*8.59 

.56 

1.05 

*.97 

33.69 

*.36 

*.02 
16.22 

15.72 

6.76 

14.26 

*1.48 

*1.27 

1.84 

70.36 
44.42 
50.52 

120.72 

299.71 

84.48 



68.32 

55.45 
83.15 

29.48 

31.58 

9.88 

29.67 
31.85 
11.70 

94.45 

95.86 

*56.94 

41.46 
*1.67 
24.49 

8.34 

1.83 

10.09 

27.14 

9.47 

21.50 

5.43 
13.40 
15.87 

16.38 
44.82 
19.85 

14.43 
10.84 
10.36 

50.87 

36.64 

*33.56 



73.73 

37.89 
45.83 

10.73 
13.32 
21.62 

19.90 
17.24 
13.26 

13.38 

49.40 

*31.74 

27.81 

*6.60 

9.49 

13.15 
4.26 
7.35 

16.87 

*1.78 

5.89 

12.22 

16.11 

9.35 

9.92 

2.01 

15.77 

12.15 
1.30 
4.82 

35.44 

29.48 

4.97 



50.45 [115.20 
123.91 1204.38 
*33.26 1*75.36 



SOUTH 

White 

Missouri. .Slave 
Free-Colored 



Georgia. 



Alabama. 



W. 
.. S. 
F.-C. 

W. 
. . S. 
F.-C. 



W, 
Mississippi. S. 
F.-C. 
WEST 

W. 

Maryland . . . S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Virginia.... S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Kentucky. . . S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

N, Carolina.. S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Tennessee.. S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

S. Carolina. .S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Louisiana. . . S. 

F.-C. 

W. 

Arkansas... S. 

F.-C. 



207.99 

96.79 

179.06 

77.00 
76.11 
50.86 

85.66 

166.26 

43.67 

44.20 
88.89 
88.79 

11.21 

*9.28 
22.01 

4.68 

2.96 

15.88 

34.00 
28.39 
86.10 

5.84 

.40 

16.82 

23.78 
39.71 
33.11 

1.85 
15.29 
30.67 



99.28 I 85.33 
43.78 I 15.48 
61.08 33.10 

24.51 1 19.53 

43.57 I 33.94 

2.20 I 16.45 

23.83 I 28.45 
37.51 I 33.18 
10.37 I 21.77 

34.35 I 29.22 

31.91 I 31.78 

*20.06 •13.09 



16.08 
2.61 
7.84 

19.63 

10.68 

7.36 

31.16 

23.50 
63.96 

23.26 

28.87 
46.65 

19.92 
25.83 
11.04 

.21 

28.83 

2.23 



156.47 |136.53 
156.00 I 99.34 
103.09 I 5.31 

296.86 |115.72 
371.85 1149.10 
904.00 I 59.70 



15.45 

1.13 

22.31 

11.64 
4.96 
9.59 

25.16 

16.35 

7.81 

15.44 
11.21 
17.40 

8.55 
22.14 
10.38 

1.38 
10.12 
30.29 

60.61 
61.10 
27.43 

90.23 
77.13 
'=76.80 



• Loss. 



68 



Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 



In the older seaboard states it is a conspicuous fact that the 
white population increased at a much slower rate than did that 
of the states of the frontier and southwest. The opportunities 
were greater and large numbers emigrated to those parts. A 
table like this, therefore, is helpful in readily suggesting dif- 
ferences in the local coloring of the states and their divisions, 
and serves to differentiate the static from the dynamic areas. 



TABLE VII 

Ranking of divisions of the 12 States (a) in area of 
each division expressed as a percentage of the total 
area of the State and (b) in the average slave popu- 
lation of each division 1840 to 1860, expressed as a 
percentage of the average of the slave population 
of the 24 divisions for the same period. 



State 



Maryland 

S. Carolina. . . . 

Kentucky 

Virginia 

Tennessee 

Louisiana 

Mississippi .... 
N. Carolina . . . . 

Alabama 

Arkansas 

Georgia 

Missouri 

* Cf. Diagram E 



Area of each State- 
division expressed as 
a percentage of the 
total area of each 
State. 



W45.32 
W44.12 
W50.06 
W59.08 
W49.37 
W49.40 
N 51.42 
W47.99 
N48.74 
W51.56 
N 45.07 
N41.25 



II 
E54.68 
£55.88 
£49.94 
£40.97 
£50.68 
£50 . 60 
S48.57 
£52.01 
S51.26 
£48.44 
S54.9;3 
S58.75 



Total Slave popula- 
tion in each State- 
division for the cen- 
suses 1840-1860, ex- 
pressed as a percent- 
age of the total Slave 
population of the 24 
Divisions for the same 
censuses. 



Ill 

Wl. 66 
W4.44 
W3.29 
W5.52 
N5.63 
W1.59 
W5.29 
N2.58 
W3.25 
W .88 
W7.33 
N2.07 



IV 

£1.27 
£7.80 
£3.50 
£9.36 
£2.04 
£6.59 
S5.05 
£6.92 
S6.98 
£1.07 
S5.02 
S .79 



Population by State-Divisions 



69 



DIAGRAM E* 

Ranking of divisions of the 12 States (a) in area of each 
pair of divisions expressed as a percentage of the total area 
of the 12 States and (b) in the average of the slave popula- 
tion of each division for the censuses 1840-1860, expressed as 
a percentage of the average of the slave population of the 24 
divisions for the same censuses. Larger percentages are de- 
noted by dots on broken lines, smaller by dots on solid lines. 
The small duplicate figures represent the corresponding divi- 
sions of states in table VII, upon which the diagram is based. 




AREA PERCENTAGES 



* 1. Spaces in this diagram represent 1 per cent. 2. The slight variation 
of divisions from 50 per cent, in area are ignored in this diagram. 



70 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

Table VII and the corresponding diagram E represent the 
result of applying somewhat similar methods to those used for 
table III to the twenty-four areas into which the twelve states 
were divided. The features considered are area (columns I 
and II) and the slave population (columns III and IV). 
It is to be noted particularly that here the dots on the 
lines represent the percentage which the sum of the figures 
for any division by censuses 1840-1860 bears to the sum 
of the total census figures for the same period for the 12 
states. Wherever the percentage of one division of a given 
state is less than the other division of the same state, the 
lower percentage is indicated by a dot on the solid line, 
and whenever the contrary is the case, on the broken 
line. ^ Thus the differences between divisions of states with 
respect to the slave population are brought into relation with 
the area-ranks of divisions. In the diagram the slight varia- 
tions in the size of the area-divisions of any given state are 
ignored. The diagram like the table brings out prominently 
the fact that there was marked variation among the states as 
to evenness of distribution of the slave population between 
divisions. The states that show the greatest unevenness are 
Virginia, Alabama, and Tennessee ; those where the distribu- 
tion between divisions was most nearly equal were Maryland, 
Kentucky, Mississippi and Missouri. 

Table VIII shows the changes from decade to decade in 
the percentage of the total population of each state found in 
the two sections into which each state has been divided. These 
changes have been marked in many instances. For example, 
in 1790 the western section of Tennessee contained less than 
20 per cent, of the population of the State ; in 1820, 42.87 
per cent., but by 1860 considerably more than half, namely, 
56.16 per cent. It is interesting to note that by 1860 the 
majority of the states had reached an approximate equality in 
the number of persons in their respective divisions, and that 
the others were fast approaching that condition. Maryland 
is the most important exception. 



1 The only instance in which the broken line crosses the continuous 
line is the State of Kentucky, and the reason for arranging the diagram 
thus was that, although western Kentucky shows a slightly smaller per 
cent, of slaves than does the eastern part, the former was increasing in 
its slave population much faster from 1840 to 1860. (Eastern South Care. 
Una should show 7.8 per cent, in diagram.) 



Population by State-Divisions 



71 



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72 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

Table IX shows the changes from decade to decade in the 
percentage of the white population of each state found in the 
two sections into which each state has been divided. It reflects 
for the white population the same general tendency which was 
found for the population as a whole, namely, that from 1790 to 
1860 there was some tendency toward equalization 
in the number of whites in the two divisions of each state. 
This tendency was not as marked, however, in the case of the 
whites considered separately as in the case of the whole popu- 
lation. 

Table X shows the changes for the negro population con- 
sidered by itself according to the same statistical method used 
in table VIII for the whole population of each state and its 
sections, and in table IX for the white population of each 
state and its sections. A different state of affairs from that 
found for the whites (in table IX) is apparent. There seems 
to have been comparatively little tendency during the period 
1790-1860 to approach an equality in the numbers of negroes 
in the two divisions of each state. Tennessee, for example, by 
1860 had reached a condition where only 25.62 negroes out of 
every 100 were in the eastern section. 

Table XI employs the method used for tables VIII, IX, X, 
but with respect to the free-colored. It shows the proportion 
of free-colored in any given division of a state to the total free- 
colored in that state by decades. It shows that the free-colored 
within each of the states examined were not at all evenly 
distributed between the two divisions of the various states. 
For example, east Virginia until 1840 had over 80 per cent, 
of the free-colored in the state. 

Table XII shows for each separate division of each state 
taken as a unit the proportion of negroes to the total popula- 
tion within these divisions by decades from 1790 to 1860. It is 
well-known that the negroes were not evenly distributed within 



I Cf. Ninth Census, Population and Social Statistics of the United 
States, for verification of statistical tables, in connection with boundary 
counties above, and in order to verify the absolute numbers of table V. 
Cf. also Map of U. S. bv Rand, McNally & Co., for 1904 as a basis for 
map. Cf. also Lippincott's Gazette of the World for 1900 for number of 
square miles by counties. To verify the figures for any one class of the 
three classes of the population, it is necessary to ascertain which are all 
the eastern or western, northern or southern counties in any one of the 
12 States, and to get the census figures for those counties for any one 
or all the 8 decades 1790-1860, and then to compare them with figures 
presented here in table V. 



Population by State-Divisions 



71 



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78 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

the states of the South or even within each state. The "black 
belt" is proverbial. The exact proportions of negroes to whites 
in different sections of the states, however, are not so well- 
known. This table supplies the need for these details. For 
example, these figures bring out the fact that of the total 
population in the eastern half of Tennessee for the entire 
period 1790-1860 by decades, the total negro population com- 
posed less than 15 per cent, except for 1850, and then it was 
but slightly more, being 16.29. Western Tennessee also is 
shown to have had relatively few negroes. On the other hand, 
if one examines the table he readily perceives that conditions 
were strikingly different in eastern South Carolina, where 
for the same period of seventy years the negro population 
composed from 59.11 to as high as 68.12 per cent, of the 
total population. 

In table XIII we have the detailed figures by decades to 
show the relation of the number of blacks to the number of 
whites by divisions of states — each division taken as a unit. 
It is, of course, well-known that for many decades the ratio 
of blacks to whites in eastern South Carolina when compared 
with the ratio in any other division of equal size in the South 
has been large. This table, however, not only shows such a 
well-known relationship as this, but also that there was con- 
siderable change in the ratio from 1790 to 1860. In fact, the 
proportion at the later date had almost doubled (i. e., 144 in 
1790; 213 in 1830). 

In table XIV is presented the number of whites, slaves, 
and free-colored in each square mile of territory by state- 
divisions for the decades from 1790 to 1860. 

This table requires very little explanation. What was done 
to obtain the figures of this table was to divide the total 
number of whites in any state-division by the total number of 
square miles of that division, and the same was also done for 
the slaves, and free-colored. There is no density table given 
for the slaves or the free-colored in the U. S. census separate 
from the whites. The density figures for each of these classes 
by states have not been worked out. as the density by divisions 
is of more importance for our purpose. A very close approxi- 
mation to the state density can be obtained, however, from 
our division density, not only for the total population, but for 
whites, slaves, and free-colored separately. For example, if 



Population by State-Divisions 79 

we add the density figures of this table for Kentucky in 1860 
in east and west for the three classes we shall obtain 57.73, 
the number which represents twice the actual density, because 
the State has been divided into two very nearly equal areas, 
and the density per square mile in both sections added. Divid- 
ing by 2 we get 28.86>4, the actual density for the entire State, 
Now if we like, we can compare this result with the density 
for the total population in 1860 as given in the U. S. census, 
and if we do, we shall find it is 28.9, almost identical with our 
measure. The more nearly equal the areas in the comple- 
mentary sections of the same state, the slighter will be the 
variation from the density figures obtained from the U. S. 
census. In the same way the white density alone may be 
found for an entire state by adding the figures for both sec- 
tions and dividing by 2. In the same way the slave, or the 
free-colored ; or the total negro density, by combining the 
slave and free-colored for the two sections and dividing by 2. 
To obtain the actual density of the total population for any 
state-division,, add the white, slave and free-colored densities 
for that division. 

In this table we see reflected the same facts brought out 
in table VI, in that the frontier and southwestern states in- 
creased in density much faster than the seaboard slave states. 
The northern divisions of Missouri, Georgia, Alabama and 
Mississippi, are good examples of this fact. There is one im- 
portant fact made prominent in this table, however, which 
does not appear with equal significance in any other table, 
namely, the striking difference in actual density in the different 
states and their divisions. One notes that eastern Maryland 
in 1860 had almost 60 white inhabitants per square mile, 
whereas South Carolina, also one of the old seaboard states, 
had only 7.98. Missouri, notwithstanding its rapid density 
increase, had only 17.81. 

The chief value of this table, therefore, is the definiteness 
with which it brings out the local coloring of the states and 
their divisions, the ready means it supplies of obtaining at a 
glance an impression of the population in its totality, and 
thereby of aiding one in relating historical data of diverse 
kinds to the historic movement and settlement of the popula- 
tion during the period from 1790 to 1860. 



80 



Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 



XI 

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Population by State-Divisions 



81 









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OS 



CHAPTER VII 

THB ROLE OF THE NEGRO IN SLAVERY AND IN FREEDOM 

The distribution and growth of the population as rep- 
resented in the diagrams and tables of the preceding chapter 
give evidence of the great extent to which slave labor was 
employed and what states and sections found it most profit- 
able. Moreover, it can be discovered from the above data 
that the negroes in their relation to the white population were 
sufficiently distributed and dense to furnish a basis for social 
like-response among the whites because of their contact with 
the negroes. This, with the historical background of racial an- 
tecedents and race consciousness, went a long way in uniting 
the South so unanimously in its social feeling on questions of 
slavery and the negro. A knowledge of the nergo at first hand 
made inevitable a solidarity of opinion among the whites con- 
cerning him. And the writer is inclined to think the South was 
more a unit in its adherence to and insistence on a definite 
social policy and platform in respect to the negro than it was 
as to the economic value of the slave ; or even as to its re- 
striction of the ballot to the white man either before or since 
the Civil War. Says Mr. G. T. Stephenson : "Several states 
which at first allowed Negro freemen to vote later withdrew 
the privilege. Until the Revolution, they were allowed to vote 
in every state except Georgia and South Carolina. Between 
1792 and 1834 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky 
denied the suffrage to Negroes. As has been seen. North 
Carolina permitted a restricted Negro suffrage until 1835. 
New Jersey took the suffrage from the Negro in 1807, Con- 
necticut in 1814, and Pennsylvania in 1838; and Tennessee, 
in 1834, limited the right to those negroes who were com- 
petent as witnesses against white persons." ^ 

In matters that were primarily and chiefly social, a multi- 
plicity of data lends itself to the proposition that the conscious- 
ness of the white population was not only alike in general, 
but almost everywhere alike in many minor matters. That 
is to say, the codes and mores governing the relations between 
the races were more nearly the same for all the sections of 

1 G. T. Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law, p. 284. 



The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 83 

the South, than one might infer who was famiUar chiefly with 
the divergence in economic opportunity, presented even within 
the bounds of the same state. There could be and was eco- 
nomic differentiation in process, while social solidarity per- 
sisted in principle and reality. And it is this phase of slavery 
as an economic system working itself out, following its own 
peculiar adaptations, and finding its own place by inevitable 
natural selection that, in the main, has made it seem worth 
while to differentiate the southern states into two divisions 
each, as has been done. By this method the numerical inequali- 
ties and disproportions of the races in the different sections 
are made to stand out and a vantage point is gained from which 
to view not only contemporaneous growth and achievement, 
but also departures and differentiations, of a pronounced type, 
from the economic and, to some extent, the social order long 
dominant in the South. 

Economic opportunity in the South has been the potent 
factor in segregating the negro whether slave or free and 
making his pursuit essentially that of the field ; and at the same 
time, in promoting increasingly the white man to industrial 
and professional pursuits more sharply differentiated in char- 
acter and responsibility. The natural outcome of this process 
has been an increase in the complexity and diversity of the 
white man's labor, thus furnishing the opportunity as well as 
necessity for him to acquire technical knowledge and skill, 
where the former undiversified industry of agriculture pre- 
vented such development. 

The data presented in Table XIII, giving the ratios 
and proportions of the colored population to the white, reveal 
the white as significantly more numerous proportionately to 
the whole population in those sections least favorable to agri- 
culture, and the colored more numerous in the agricultural 
areas. Natural selection resulting from the economic oppor- 
tunity offered by the different sections has determined a cer- 
tain line of procedure and progress for the section where the 
whites constitute from 60 to 75 per cent, of the population, 
just as it has done in the section where the greater per cent, 
of the population has been of the opposite color. 

Something of the rigidity of this selective economic princi- 
ple may be the more appreciated if we look for a moment at 
the census figures as given by the U. S. census for the year 



84 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

1900 and notice the proportions of the whites and colored to 
each other in respect to these divisional areas. The figures 
convincingly demonstrate the truth of the persistence of the 
white and colored population respectively with reference to 
J y/ their adaptations. Where whites predominated in 1860, in 
— ^ the main they predominate to-day, and this is also true of the 
colored race. 

But that is not all. Given the same or practically the same 
population numerically in each section of the same state, and 
a homogeneous white population and an undifferentiated col- 
ored race, the only significant disparity being that of numbers 
in respect to each race, how comes it that the march of prog- 
ress is with that section which contains a predominant number 
of whites rather than with the other section having a pre- 
dominance of the colored race? The writer hastens to assure 
any doubtful mind that the query proposed is not one of 
dogma to which he is unalterably committed ; not as any 
dogma at all. It is proposed for the purpose rather of ex- 
ploring the bounds within which, from a reasonable and di'^- 
passionate point of view, one may be helped to reduce the negm 
problem to somewhat more definite and primary terms and 
to eliminate as much of the undifferentiated character of 
the problem as possible, and thus to present it with a maximum 
of its own peculiar character. To do this it is requisite in the 
first place to deal with objective facts. How better can this 
be done than by comparison ? 

The factors of race-heredity are constant, applying alike 
to the whites of the sections and also to the negroes. Dififer- 
ences in economic opportunity, however, brought the whites and 
the colored together in the sections on the basis of the char- 
acter of occupations. What has caused a difiference in the 
rate at which the sections have advanced? Has it been that 
the hum of the spindle and the ceaseless clank of the loom 
in the cotton mill have accelerated the movements of the 
white operative ; and, by the very swifter and more disciplinary 
character of the industrial order in the upland, have accentu- 
ated the tardiness and unprogressiveness of the negro follow- 
ing a different occupation? or is the difference due more to 
native differences in the races? It would be idle to suppose 
the colored population could have been employed in the mills 
to do the same work the whites have been doing, for they are 



The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 85 

not yet prepared for such work, and the majority of them 
apparently do not possess sufficient aptitude for such occupa- 
tion. On the other hand, the question is a reminder of at 
least a cultural, if not native, difference in the races. How- 
ever these questions shall be decided, we are confronted first of 
all with incontrovertible data demonstrating that differences 
exist, which reasonably call for candid analysis in the effort to 
arrive at a correct view of the significance of relative differ- 
ences in the development and growth of the southern popula- 
tion. 

What of the suggestion that important among the factors 
is that of the persisting influence of the regime of slavery in 
those regions most slave, which are the same regions where 
the negro population is most dense to-day? It is a patent 
fact that in the day of slavery manual labor and menial serv- 
ice were discredited most where slavery most abounded. In 
a speech delivered in the City Hall, Glasgow, Oct., 13, 1863, 
referring to the South, Henry Ward Beecher said: "Through- 
out the South there is the most marked public disesteem of 
honest homely industry. It is true that in the mountainous 
portions of the South-west, North Carolina, northern Georgia, 
eastern Tennessee, and western Virginia, where slaves are 
few, and where a hardy people for the most part perform 
their own agricultural labors, there is less discredit attached 
to homely toil than in the rich alluvial districts where sugar and 
cotton culture demand exclusive slave labor. But even in 
the most favored portion of the South, manual labor is 
but barely redeemed from the taint of being a slave's business, 
and nowhere is it honored as it is in the great and free North." 

To judge from all the available data and testimony, 
it is but affirming a commonplace truth to say that 
what were the most fertile areas in the South, those 
occupied by master and slave, where proud, aristocratic 
families flourished, are those regions for the most part, in 
which have persisted a negro population and an unchanged, 
undiversified industry. It is also a matter of fact that the 
southwest districts, cited above by Mr. Beecher, were the 
least developed, and were settled generally by white fami- 



1 Speech of Henry Ward Beecher on the American Rebellion, delivered in 
Great Britain, in 1863, pp. 63, 64. 



86 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

lies of small means, among whom were large numbers of the 
poor whites, who semed to prefer the frontier life. 

With these facts in mind, it cannot be said that the whites 
of the frontier were superior, in point of blood or otherwise. 
As has been shown, the whites in most of the states went 
back lineally to the same original stock. But in point of re- 
finement, of cultivation of mind and manners, and wealth as 
well, the slave-owner of the higher type certainly shows up to 
much greater advantage. But the old order of superior wealth 
and development has changed, and the advantages of 
rapid progress seem to be with those regions which have 
been predominantly white, which are undergoing more and 
more differentiation in occupation and pursuit ; in which manu- 
facturing industries, thriving towns and cities have sup- 
planted the conditions of a scattered population that had only a 
precarious livelihood for a bare subsistence. 

To any one familiar with conditions in the South it must 
be apparent that the question of the negro presents itself as 
compounded of multiple and varying factors, many of which 
are of so elusive a character as to defy any ready and easy 
solution. And it is because of such factors inhering in the 
social structure into which the negro has entered, that an 
attempt has been made to seize upon some of the constant ele- 
ments in order to gain more light. We therefore present here 
what seems on the whole the most plausible ground of explana- 
tion, and, withal, the one that seems most consistent with 
scientific sociological theory. 

First of all are to be recognized the native differences of 
the white and negro races. Especially do the anthropological 
demarcations between white and black seem of paramount sig- 
nification for our problem. Natural selection in the produc- 
tion of the two races has evolved two distinct and separate 
types of man. If it be granted that the native differences in 
the races are of very great significance, it follows logically 
that a very great difference in the relative proportions of 
their numbers will likewise be an added factor in the prob- 
lem. Having then this striking disparity in race and numbers, 
we are prepared to take account of what is not the least im- 
portant nor interesting side of the inter-relation of the races, 
namely, the psychological. 



The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 87 

Social theory, when it seeks admittance into the laboratory 
of psyschological interactions and inter-stimulations between 
the negro and white races, must take with it Professor Frank- 
lin H. Giddings' key called "like response to the same stimu- 
lus." Illustrations of this psychological principle will serve our 
purpose better than definition. For instance, the white work- 
ing man farmed and worked side by side with the slave or 
acted as overseer. Since emancipation the whites in the ter- 
ritory which had most slaves have been constantly thrown into 
close proximity to the negro population in the daily rounds 
and labors of the fields. The external forces that have im- 
pinged on the nervous organism of the black man, have had 
full sway over the white man. The excitement attending the 
work of laborers having common tasks, the coming into 
close contact for common cause on occasions of corn-huskings 
and log-rollings, of house-movings, hog-killings and numerous 
other occasions of team-work, when the rule was to keep 
passing "that demijohn" or "that quart tickler" along, until 
the numerous neighbors and darkies had regaled themselves 
prodigally of their contents ; the sports at the huskings, when 
the good man of the house was seized, hoisted and borne aloft 
on the shoulders of two burly, buck negroes, with the crowd 
of negroes and whites following in the procession, all of them 
shouting meantime the "holler" suited to the occasion, — these 
are a few examples of the sociological principle of "like re- 
sponse to the same stimulus." And because the most exclu- 
sively agricultural districts furnished principally but one occu- 
pation to the inhabitants, industrially the larger per cent, of 
the population was compelled of necessity to attend to the 
same thing. In attending to the same thing they tended in 
considerable measure to respond in like ways to that same 
thing. Like-response of this sort refers not alone to the direc- 
tion and aim of the exerted volition, but to the manner and 
movement, acceleration and retardation of it as well. 

The white man working side by side with several negroes, 
if only a day laborer in the same capacity as they, would be 
as likely to be influenced by the general character and manner 
of their movements in the performance of their tasks, as they 
by his. The leaning and lounging on helve of shovel and 
hoe early discovered as a luxury among the slaves, like the 
appetizing flavor of Charles Lamb's celebrated classic "Roast 



88 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

Pig," has had characteristic effectiveness and persistence for 
spreading ; so much so that many a white laborer has indulged 
himself in the same agreeable fashion. 

Still another instance of the effective operation of the 
principle of "like response to the same stimulus" was seen in 
the development of special types of response among the slaves 
when, for example, they were in the presence of whites, just as 
there is to-day among the regrettably few surviving ex-slaves. 
This attractiveness of manners possessed by the old darkey is 
a pleasing evidence of the good training the slave-master in- 
stilled in "his people." The common run of negroes in the 
South even to-day display a palpable inferiority and deteriora- 
tion in manners when judged by those of an ex-slave- The 
negro of the rising generation has more of democracy and 
more of the education of the schools, but much less of gen- 
uine social cultivation. 

But what of the inter-relation of white and colored in those 
parts of the states where negroes have formed but a small 
per cent, of the aggregate population? Here there has not 
been as much industrial co-operation between the races, both 
because of the greater disproportion in their numbers and 
because of the greater diversity in occupation. Moreover, the 
principle of economic selection favorable to the white man has 
operated greatly to reduce the colored man's industrial oppor- 
tunity. For example, in the great cotton-milling and other 
large manufacturing enterprises, negro labor is practically 
non-existent. If economic pressure is not great enough 
to keep the negroes out of the factories, recourse 
is had to the social feeling among the white operatives. In 
an ever-increasing number, the whites in the sections that are 
most white are learning to operate fast-running machines and 
the speed of their industrial labors is inevitably accelerated. 
This increased acceleration of movement in the industrial order 
of half of a large State like North Carolina, or South Caro- 
lina, Georgia or Alabama, makes a tremendous difference in 
important directions in the course of a generation. 

Even the colored man when adequate incitement is pre- 
sented, or necessity is laid on him, can show amazing resource 
for turning out the finished product of labor ; and particularly 
so when he thoroughly understands his work. Among the 



The Negro in Slavery and in Freedom 89 

fastest and liveliest fodder hands and cotton pickers to be 
found are the colored people. It must be admitted, however, 
that negroes are much faster and livelier when under the 
stimulus of a race for a prize, though the prize be of the most 
trivial importance. Under such circumstances, however, the 
youngest even of their race display a plentiful aptitude for 
careless and inefficient work. The picaninny early learns : 
"before I'll be beaten and then be cheaten I'll leave five fingers 
in the boll." 

This is, it is believed, a fair picture of the general run of the 
field hand among the colored population as the writer has 
known him and observed him for a number of years. That 
there are notaible exceptions no one will deny. It is indeed a 
pleasure to recall such an exception in a famous negro horse- 
shoer who happily combined speed and thoroughness in his 
work. How much of this was native, how much acquired, it is 
not possible to say, but some significance may perhaps be at- 
tached to the fact that the colored man was for many years in 
the employ of a white man who was himself an exceptionally 
efficient blacksmith. 

If it is to the credit of those areas least populated by the 
negro that they have progressed more rapidly than the other 
areas, it is not necessarily to the discredit of the white popula- 
tion in the areas where the colored man has been most in 
evidence, that progress appears on the whole to have been most 
retarded. The innate as well as acquired antipathy to the negro 
on the part of the white man, has there had greatest encourage- 
ment and provocation, both from the standpoint of numbers 
and inevitable industrial familiarity and association. 

Such questions as the better improvement of towns and 
cities, voting local taxation for increasing school terms and 
the employment of more efficient teachers, would often have 
been accomplished facts where they have been long deferred, 
had it not been for the feeling that the negro population would 
be benefited thereby, because under the State Constitutions 
such benefits must accrue to the whole population irrespective 
of race. 

Moreover, it should not be forgotten that relative to the 
whole population in the state, the area containing the larger 
negro population would presumably have to have more school- 



^/ 



90 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

houses in order to accommodate the children of both races 
in separate schools. This in itself would make a difference in 
the benefits conferred, as the building of such houses would 
have to be borne largely by the county school fund. Where 
one section would have more buildings in proportion to its 
population, the other would have fewer buildings, with longer 
school terms, or better buildings and more efficient teachers, 
or both. And this same kind of difference is observable in 
varying degrees in respect to religious, social, and numerous 
other categories of civic betterment. Look at it from any 
angle one may choose, therefore, the situation of the white 
man's development and progress in the areas densely popu- 
lated by the negro has been more persistently complex and 
difficult than where he has lived most without the negro, 
whether as slave or free. In full appreciation of this fact, Mr. 
W. G. Brown says : "The old ruling class, though shorn of 
its wealth, and though its ascendency in national politics was 

4 gone forever, was just as strongly intrenched in power at 
home as it was in 1860. Moreover, its power was as clearly 
bottomed on the freedman as it had ever been bottomed on 
the slave." ^ The same author says : "When due account is 
taken of all the blunders we have made in dealing with the 
negro * * * * it remains true that not they, but he himself, by 
his mere presence here, is the main source of our present day 
perplexities. The political isolation of the South, like its 
separateness in other respects, is due to the negro, and to the 
inevitable effects on white men of living among negroes. It 
is thirty-five years since the slaves were freed, but the shadow 
of Africa still rests on the land." ^ 

The native differences in the races, which is the foundation 
of race consciousness, the disparity in the numbers of each 
in respect to the sections and also between the races in 
the same section, together with different economic selection 
as to the sections, and the psychological inter-stimulations and 
responses in the trend and development of the South, as pre- 
sented here, seem to us the most reasonable grounds of ex- 
planation of the social and industrial disparity among the dif- 
ferent states and different sections of the same state. 



1 W. G. Brown, The Lower South in American History, p. 255. 

2 Ibid., p. 266. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE PERSISTENCE OF THE SOCIAL FORCES 

The persisting homogeneity of the white population and 
the presence of the negro in large numbers are facts that still 
confront the South. Educational advance there has been and 
progress in other ways has been made, but the social conditions 
of the past still exert their influence. The power of the landed 
aristocracy as it flourished in the days of slavery, however, has 
been shattered. A small minority in all probability will never 
again wield so large an influence and prestige in matters of 
church and state as in the days of slavery. Tlie respon- 
sibilities of leadership and power are more widely dis- 
tributed among men of every class. The South in respect to 
the white race at least has accepted in thorough-going fashion 
the beneficence of the democratic spirit and principle. Says 
Mr. E. G. iMurphy: "The historian of institutions must per- 
ceive that the real struggle of the South from the date of 
Lee's surrender — through all the accidents of political and 
industrial revolution — was simply a struggle toward the cre- 
ation of democratic conditions. The real thing in the unfold- 
ing of the latter development is. in its essence, but an ap- 
proach to democracy, not merely as a theory of administra- 
tion, but as an expression of society itself." ^ What Mr. Mur- 
phy means by this is suggested by his further statement: 
"Democracy in its essence has arrived when the rich man and 
the poor man, the man of the professions and the man of 
trade, the privileged and the unprivileged, unite to build the 
common school for the children of the state." ^ 

One of the most potent causes of this movement toward 
democracy has been the fact that the new South is fast devel- 
oping manufacturing industries. For example, under the head 
of miscellaneous factories in the report of the North Carolina 
Department of Labor and Printing for 1910, the number re- 
ported was 561, which had an aggregate capital of $50,835,399. 
Upon 416 of these factories it is estimated that there were 
66,209 persons dependent for a livelihood. ^ 

1 The Present South, p. 12. 

2 Ibid., pp. 16. 18. 

3 Report, p. 53. 



92 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

In addition to the miscellaneous mills mentioned above, the 
number of cotton, woolen and silk mills reported was 325, of 
which 300 show an authorized capital of $53,097,454. There 
were reported 3,348,022 spindles and 56,516 looms, which re- 
quired the services of 52,440 employes, on whom were de- 
pendent 138,810 persons for a livelihood.^ 

But this development is not uniform throughout the State. 
Careful examination of both the North Carolina report and 
"The Blue Book" for 1910, published in the interest of the 
textile industries in the United States and Canada, shows that 
the miscellaneous factories and the cotton, woolen and silk 
mills are nearly all in the western division of the State. To say 
that 75 to 80 per cent, of the mills of the State are in the 
west would be a conservative statement. 

Similar statements can be made of western South Carolina, 
of northern Georgia, and northern and eastern Alabama. 
North Carolina has a greater number of cotton mills than has 
any other State in the Union ; the number of South Carolina's 
spindles is second only to Massachusetts' total. Georgia is 
next to North Carolina in number of mills and Alabama is also 
an important textile State and is fast investing in cotton manu- 
facture. The fact of economic differentiation and segregation 
of the population within the same State is still more appreci- 
able if studied in connection with figures for divisions of 
States.^ It is for the purpose of more sharply dis- 
tinguishing the sections in respect to their industrial growth 
and the distribution and character of their population, that we 
now go further into the study of the population numbers. 
Here the idea is to get at the distribution and growth of the 
population for 1900 for the same sections that were studied 
from 1790 to 1860. Again the county is the unit of investiga- 
tion and the boundary lines used for the tables of state-divi- 
sions presented in chapter VI have been retained. Missouri 
in 1900 shows a decided relative increase in her white popula- 
tion in the southern half of the State as compared with that 
of the northern division. \\^here, in 1860. 52.40 per cent, of 
the total white population was in the south-, in 1900. the south 
had 57.66 per cent., the north sustaining a corresponding reia- 



1 Tbid., pp. 157-58. 

2 .State Reports, and The Textile Map of the Southern States in The Blue 

Book, p. 1027. for 1910. 



Persistence of the Social Forces 93 

tive decrease. There was a slight relative increase in the south 
also of the total colored population. In the north, in 186U, 
the colored was 14.69 per cent, of the total population ; 
in 1900 it had dropped to 6.70. In the south in 1860 it was 
5.34 of the total population, and in 1900, 4.05, which shows a 
diminution in the proportion of the colored to the whites in 
the State. The per cent, of the total population of the State 
for the south was slightly more than in 1860. 

In the case of Georgia the white population remained prac- 
tically the same that it was in 1860 as regards relative dis- 
tribution, the north containing 65.15 per cent, of the total 
white population. The two most noticeable facts in the dis- 
tribution of Georgia's population are, first, the decided gains 
the colored people had made relatively to the whites. This is 
more true for the south than for the north. In 1860, 50.55 
per cent, of the total population in the south was negro ; in 1900, 
54.06. The second fact is that there is also some tendency in 
Georgia toward evenness in the distribution of the total popu- 
lation between north and south. In 1860, 63.69 per cent, of 
the total population was in the north ; in 1900 it had fallen 
to 59.56. 

Alabama, in 1900, presents some interes'ting facts in contrast 
to data in 1860. In the shifting of the white population, as 
against 57.81 per cent, in the north in 1860, the figures for 
1900 for the same area give 64.54 per cent, of the total white 
population of the State in the north, with a corresponding 
relative fall in the south. The shifting of the colored popula- 
tion is in the opposite direction, with the tendency more and 
more for the southern part of the State to be black and the 
north, white. In the north, for 1900, the ratio of white to col- 
ored was more than two to one ; in the south the ratio of col- 
ored to the white was almost two to one. The distribution of 
the total population for the two divisions is just about half 
and half. ' 

Mississippi shows a great relative increase in the total i 
white population in the south, and a very pronounced relative \/ 
increase in the colored population in the north. The whole 
of the State is predominantly colored, the northern population 
being composed of 62.50 per cent, colored and the southern of 
54.00 per cent. It likewise shows a tendency toward equality 
in the distribution of its total population. 



94 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

Maryland shows a loss in the proportion of negroes to its 
total population in both divisions and a corresponding increase 
in the proportion of the white population. Unlike most of 
the other states, as in 1860 (cf. table VIII), so also in 1900, 
Maryland shows a tendency away from equality in the dis- 
tribution of its total population, the tendency being more ac- 
centuated at the later date. 

Virginia shows its white population fast moving into the 
west. With less than 60 per cent, of the area, the west con- 
tained in 1900, 72.42 per cent, of the total white population. 
In the east there was practically one white to one negro ; in the 
west practically two whites to one negro, very much the same 
as in 1860. There was a tendency away from equality in 
the distribution of the total population. 

Kentucky's white population was very evenly divided be- 
tween east and west, but her negro population was nearly all in 
the west, following out the tendency of increase in 1860. 
In 1900, 67.57 per cent, of the total colored population was in 
the western end of the state. Relative to the total population, 
the proportion of colored for 1900 shows a very great loss. In 
1860, 19.46 per cent, of the total population was colored in the 
east and 21.43 in the west. In 1900, only 8.92 per cent, in 
the east and 17.28 in the west was colored, the greater loss 
being in the east. The State, notwithstanding, showed marked 
evenness in the distribution of its total population. 

North Carolina's white population relatively had de- 
creased in the east and increased in the west, with a corre- 
sponding relative increase and decrease of the negroes in east 
and west. The ratio of white to coloerd in the east in 1900 
was somewhat less than one to one and in the west it was almost 
four to one. The tendency is toward an evenness in the dis- 
tribution of the total population. 

Louisiana, like Mississippi and eastern South Carolina, had 
a predominance of colored in its population. The ratio of 
white to colored was practically the same in one section that 
it was in the other. With respect to the total population, how- 
ever, there were more than two persons in the east to one in 
the west, but the tendency was toward equality. 

Tennessee, like Kentucky, showed a relative loss in its 
colored population in both east and west. The ratio of white 



Persistence of the Social Forces 95 

to colored in the east was about seven and one-half to one ; 
in the west two to one. The white population was some- 
what more numerous in the east than in the west, but the 
tendency toward even distribution in the total population was 
evident. 

With respect to proportions of the total white population, 
South Carolina showed a relative loss in the east and a cor- 
responding gain in the west. It also showed a ratio of almost 
two colored to one white in the east and somewhat more than 
one colored in the west to one of the white population. The 
west is growing faster than the east in white population, but 
in total population the tendency is toward evenness in distribu- 
tion. 

The State of Arkansas has considerably more of its white 
population in the west than in the east, and by far more of 
its colored in the east than in the west. There is a tendency, 
however, toward equal distribution in the total population. 

It seems singular that a State like Mississippi, one of the 
greatest cotton producing States, should have so few mills, 
and that Louisiana should be almost outside the list of the 
textile industries. There is one indisputable fact as regards 
the development of the textile industry in the South. And 
that is, where the negro population has most abounded, the cot- 
ton mills do least abound. Those areas in the states most 
distinctly white are now and are tending more and more to 
become manufacturing centres. The colored man, as in the 
days of slavery, seems for the most part limited to the sugar- 
cane and cotton belts. This is not to say the negro has not 
made progress. He has. but it has been mostly in the direc- 
tion of farming and field work. 

In view of the persistence of the disproportion in the num- 
bers of whites and negroes between the sections in several 
of the states, the question of a relative difiference in the 
social development and general character of the sections within 
each of these States is suggested. For example, northern 
Alabama in 1904, in the number of roads surfaced with gravel, 
shows that, of the total number of miles surfaced throughout 
the State, over 88 per cent, was in the north, which is repre- 
sented by somewhat less than one-half of the total area of the 
State. The number of miles of road surfaced with stone was 



96 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

392.5. all of which was in the north. ^ Mississippi shows under 
the head of improved roads only 109 miles surfaced with 
gravel. The rate of road levy in this State is low and quite 
uniform, most of the counties raising 10 cents per $100 prop- 
erty valuation in the north and south, respectively. In this 
connection it is perhaps of some significance to note again 
that the proportion of negroes here as in southern Alabama 
was heavy. The number of miles of improved roads in 
Louisiana is: surfaced with gravel, 26; surfaced with shells. 
8. The number of days required for working the road per 
annum is from 3 to 12, the latter being the number for most 
of the counties. Again the proportion of negroes is found to 
have been heavy. 

Almost all the other States show greater interest in their 
, roads, either in number of miles improved, or rate of levy, 
/ or both, and Arkansas shows a very high levy, almost every 
county raising 30 cents to the $100 property valuation. In 
{ those states and sections where the whites greatly pre- 

dominated there were more good roads built than in the states 
or divisions where the negroes greatly predominated. This at 
least seems to be the rule according to the report. ^ 

Perhaps one of the best indices of the relative progress 
made in the various states of the South would be an adequate 
presentation of the interest recently taken in the public schools. 
But it is the relative progress made in the schools in the re- 
spective divisions of the states with which we are primarily 
concerned. By actual count Missouri's report for schools 
for 1909 shows the north to have had 4,894 levy districts and 
the south 4,890, thus showing a striking tendency toward uni- 
formity in development along that line. Western South Caro- 
lina, on the other hand, with somewhat less than one-half the 
area of the State, had 456 local tax districts, while the east, 
with more than half the area, had only 379. The average 
number of weeks taught in the east for the whites was 25.1 ; 
for the colored in the east 15.55. It is interesting to note that 
of the total number of districts increasing special taxes during 
the year, 127 were in the western, and 87 in the eastern part of 
the State. The inequalities are more noticeable in a State 



1 Washington Report Public Roads for 1904, Bulletin No. 32, pp. 43, 44. 

2 Cf. Tbid., pp. 43-96. 



Persistence of the Social Forces 97 

like South Carolina where there are great disproportions in 
the numbers of whites to blacks for the respective sections.^ ^ 

In eastern North Carolina, according to the report of the 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, for the year 1910, there 
were 41 counties which had local school tax districts. In 
these districts there were 5,542 days of school for the whites 
and only 2,615 days for the colored. As regards the local 
tax districts alone, therefore, the negro pupil received 47.18 
per cent, as many days during which instruction was given 
as the white pupil, or less than one day for the negro, for every 
two days for the white child. In western North Carolina in 
local tax districts the white child received three days for every 
day received by the negro pupil. ^ 

According to the biennial report of the Superintendent of 
Public Instruction of Virginia for the years 1907-'08 and 
1908-'09, in the 50 eastern counties, there was a total of 225 
school districts. Of this number 97 were reported to have 
had a school levy which was inadequate to meet the require- 
ments of the schools, according to the estimates of the county 
school boards. * Expressed as a percentage, the districts whose 
levy was insufficient composed 43.11 of the total number. In 
the 50 western counties of Virginia there were 267 districts 
all told, and of this number only 70, or 26.21 per cent., had 
a levy below the estimates of the county boards. ^ For the 
year 1908-'09 there were 10 out of the 50 eastern counties, 
and only 3 out of the 50 western counties, whose levies were 
lower than the estimates of the boards. ^ In the light of these 
differences between the east and west it is maintained that the 
inequality in the distribution of the races was in all probability 
a factor which partially accounted for the inequality in the tax 
levy. Suffice it to say that of the total school population in 
eastern Virginia in 1907-1908, there were 97,098 whites and 
119,112 colored, somewhat more than one and one-fifth col- 
ored to every one white child. In western Virginia, on the 

1 Cf. Report of the State Superintendent of Education of South Carolina 

(1910), pp. 275-306. 

2 All data describing differences between divisions of States in refer- 
ence to their schools and roads were obtained by combining the data 
for the individual counties for the respective sections, and should any 
one desire to verify the data for comparisons made here, the same 
method, of course, would have to be followed. 

3 Cf Report State Superintendent of Public Instruction (1910), pp. 185-192. 

4 Cf. Report, pp. 246-257. 

5 Cf. Ibid., pp. 246-257. 

6 Cf. Ibid., pp. 450, 451. 



98 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

other hand, there were 213,463 whites and 69,061 colored, or 
somewhat more than 3 white children of school age to every 
1 negro child of school age. ^ 

In Missouri there were in 1909, 58 public schools running 
4 months or more ; 929 from 4 to 6 months ; 4,263 from 6 to 8 
months; and 4,751 running 8 months or longer.* 
In the northern part of the State there were 4,894 districts 
making levy, and in the southern part there were 4,890. Of 
the 51 districts making no levy 22 were in the north and 29 in 
the south. ^ The colored school population throughout the 
State is very small, the proportions of colored to whites not 
being more than 20 to 100, and not that much in many of the 
counties. 

The apparent uniformity in the response of all sections of 
the State to local taxation for schools and the good showing 
in the school terms, as well as many other signs of progress 
in the report, are somewhat closely related, we think, to the 
fact of the few negro children in the State. 

An examination of the biennial report of the State Super- 
intendent of Public Instruction of Tennessee, for the years 
ending 1909 and 1910, reveals marked progress in educational 
advancement in that State along many lines. What impresses 
one most perhaps, as he reads the reports of the various cotmty 
superintendents, is an emphasis throughout the State on the 
increased necessity for state and county high schools, rural 
libraries, local taxation, uniform grading in the schools, con- 
solidation of schools, school improvement associations, teachers' 
institutes, greater efficiency among teachers, and an especial 
recognition of the value of the compulsory attendance school 
law, by almost all the counties that have such a law. Of the 
seventeen counties in the State which have a compulsory at- 
tendance law, all except one are in the eastern half of the 
State. " 

On investigation we discovered that the negro school popu- 
lation in 9 of these 17 counties was less than 5 per cent, of 
the total school population ; that in 6 it was between 5 and 
10 per cent, and that in 2 between 10 and 12.50 per cent, of 
the total school population for the year 1910. Just Jww much 



1 Cf. Ibid., pp. 128-150. 

2 Cf Sixtieth Missouri Report of Public Schools for 1909, pp. 75, 76, 77. 

3 Cf. Tbid., DP. 66, 67, 68. 

4 Cf Report Superintendent of Public Instruction, for 1909-1910, pp. 371-548. 



Persistence of the Social Forces 99 

significance is to be attached to the fact of the great predomi- 
nance of the white school population, we are not attempting to 
say. But taking the data as we find them for almost all the 
southern states, we are strongly of the opinion that there is 
some correlation between the character of the social develop- 
ment in any one of the southern states or its divisions, and 
the relative proportions between the density of the races 
in the same area. In some areas where the proportions be- 
tween the races are almost the same, the influence of numbers 
is practically the same in any part of the state. For example, 
on this theory, Mississippi would find it easier to follow out 
some uniform policy, whether for schools or roads or other 
improvements, than a State like North Carolina or Virginia. 
Why ? Because the negro population is distributed with a much 
nearer approach to evenness in jMississippi than in the other 
States, and because the white population also is almost evenly 
distributed throughout the State. But when we say that Mis- 
sissippi might adopt and pursue uniform measures for the pub- 
lic welfare, we do not claim that it will necessarily be more 
progressive than some other state. It might be uniformly 
unprogressive. There is need, therefore, of recognizing the 
further fact of what the ratios between the numbers for the 
different races are, and also of knowing the capabilities and 
propensities of each race. If it is discovered that one race is 
more capable, more progressive than the other, it will con- 
serve progress to have that race in the ascendency numeri- 
cally. If the foregoing hypotheses are verified, it will be pos- 
sible to make much more intelligent comparisons of states 
and divisions of states than could be done without such knowl- 
edge. 

The average school term for the entire State of Alabama 
for the year 1910 for the whites was 131 days; for the colored 
90 days. ^ It appears from the report that there were 4.082 
schools for the whites continuing five months or more, and for 
the colored, 1,134.^ Of the total white schools continuing for 
this term, 2,270 were in the north and 1,812 in the south. Of 
the total for the colored, 397 were in the north and 737 in 
the south. The total white school population of Alabama 
for 1910 was 390,062, and of this number 265,441 were in 

1 Cf. Annual Reriort of Department of Education for 1910, pp. 132-135. 

2 Of. Ibid., pp. 136-139. 



w 



100 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

the north and 124,621 in the south. Of the 322,707 total 
colored school population, 150,971 were in the north and 171-, 
736 in the south. Comparing the number of whites in the 
population of school age in the southern half of the State with 
the number of colored of the same age in the same section, 
we find that the ratio of white to colored children of school 
age was 1 to 1.37 in 1910. On the other hand, if we compare 
the number of schools for whites in the southern half of the 
State, continuing five months or more, with the number of 
schools for colored in the south continuing for the same length 
of time, we discover an inverse ratio. With 1,812 schools for 
the whites and 71)7 for the colored, the ratio stands 2.45 schools 
of five months or more for the whites for every 1 for the col- 
ored. In like manner, similar comparisons may be made of 
the white and colored schools of the northern half of the 
State. But this suffices to make clear the point of the ap- 
parent relation between the relative proportions of whites and 
colored, and the opportunities offered by the public schools 
to the children of both races. 

In Georgia there are a number of striking differences in 
the advantages open to whites and colored. The number of 
libraries in the county schools for whites is 917; the number 
for the colored is only 35. Attention is also called to the fact 
that of the above total number of libraries in the county 
schools for the whites 634 were in northern Georgia, whereas 
only 283 were in the southern part of the State ; and that of 
the total number for the colored 16 were in the south and 19 
in the north. ^ 

Under the head of total receipts from taxation (direct or 
municipal aid) the northern counties raised $165,890.19 for 
the whites, and $10,092.19 for the colored. The southern coun- 
ties aggregated $148,129.84 for the whites, and $11,809.55 for 
the colored. The extreme variation between the amounts re- 
ceived by the whites and the total receipts of the colored in 
both sections still further accentuates the inequalities between 
the races. ^ 

The report also shows that of the 100 local tax districts 
created in 1909 for lengthening the school term 54 were in 
the south and 46 in the north of Georgia. These two figures 



1 Cf. Annual Report of the Department of Education (1909), pp. 432-449. 

2 Cf. Ibid., pp. 378-395. 



Persistence of the Social Forces 101 

taken by themselves might have a tendency to mislead one, 
because they might suggest that the greater interest in educa- 
tion is to be found in the southern part of the State. In ac- 
cordance with the prevailing conditions and tendencies in the 
other States and their divisions, however, one should expect 
northern Georgia to set the standard for the southern part in 
educational development. By adding together the number of 
local tax districts for the northern counties, and doing the 
same for the southern counties, we find that the northern 
division, while it created only 46 and the southern 54 local tax 
districts in 1909, nevertheless, of the total number in the State, 
the north had 288, whereas the south had only 176. This shows 
that the section most predominantly white was the first to 
create a large number of local tax districts for supplementing 
the school terms. ^ 

Important to be observed among the numerous condi- 
tions and inequalities between the white and the colored 
teachers, are the salaries which they receive per month. Geor- 
gia for 1909 paid white male teachers an average monthly 
salary of $58.34, female $37.48. To the colored male teachers 
she paid $26.37, and to the female $19.55. The monthly cost 
of tuition per pupil in the public schools for the whites was 
$1.70, and for the colored ^73.- 

In Kentucky it appears that the common schools in the 
majority of cases were taught at least six months, and 536 
of the white and 70 of the colored schools had a longer 
term. ^ It is to be noted that there are comparatively few 
negroes in Kentucky, and the State as a whole seems to be 
making rapid progress in educational development. 

In Louisiana the number of local tax districts in 1908 was 
493, the counties in western Louisiana having 335 of them. 
It is a noticeable fact that the western counties in which 
the proportion of colored to white school population was 
least, were the counties that first established a large number 
of local tax districts for school purposes, and that the western 
part of the State created 67 local school tax districts in 1908, 
whereas the east created only 23, in spite of the approximate 

1 Cf. Ibid., pp. 450-456. 

2 Cf. Ibid., p. 507. 

3 Cf. Biennial Report Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1908-1909, 

Part IT, pp. 34, 35. 



102 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

equality of areas involved. ^ The average number of months 
the schools for whites were open throughout the State was 
7.8 ; the average for the colored was 4.6. ^ 

In Mississippi no reports are made of the length of term 
the public schools were run throughout the State, save only 
in the urban districts. The extremely poor salaries paid the 
teachers of both races are probably fair indices of the public 
school status of the State. The great majority of the white 
teachers are paid from $35 to $45 per month,; the great 
majority of the colored teachers from $15 to $22. a very notice- 
able per cent, of them receiving less than $20 per month. ^ 
In contrast to almost every other one of the twelve states, 
Mississippi appears palpably behind in her public school work. 
The important items of consolidation of schools, school im- 
provement associations, local taxation, state and county high 
schools, compulsory attendance, interest in libraries, such as 
were described above in reference to Tennessee's schools, 
are at once conspicuous for their absence from the report, 
except as some of these things are embodied in formal recom- 
mendations prepared by the State Superintendent. He recom- 
mends a number of advances : the erection throughout the 
State of county agricultural high schools ; the consolidation 
of schools by transportation ; the increase of the common 
school fund ; an appropriation for the promotion of school 
improvement work ; provision for library extension work ; 
the appointment of a commission to revise the school laws ; 
the increase of contingent expenses for the department of 
education. * In the light of this information we wish to re- 
iterate the statement of the relative proportions between the 
whites and colored of Mississippi, and to point out that much 
more than 50 per cent, of the total population was negro, ac- 
cording to the 1900 census, and that the school report for 1909 
indicates that this is still the case. 

For Arkansas the biennial report of the Superintendent 
of Public Education, like that of Mississippi, leaves unrecorded 
rfome of the most essential facts that an investigator desires 
to know. It has no statement of the number of months the 



1 Cf. Biennial Report State Superintendent of Public Education for 

190S-1909, pp. 372, 373, 388, 389. 

2 Cf. Uiid., P. 389. 

3 Cf. Biennial Report State Superintendent of Public Education for 

1907-1908 and 1908-1909, pp. 96, 99. 

4 Cf. Tbid., p. 4. 



Persistence of the Social Forces 103 

schools were in session. Should we judge of the State of 
Arkansas from what it does not report, we should have to class 
it with Mississippi in regard to its methods and policies of pub- 
lic education. Moreover, from the standpoint of the ethnical 
composition of the population and the numerical proportions 
which the races sustain to each other, Arkansas seems to re- 
flect somewhat similar conditions. 

In Maryland according to the annual report of the depart- 
ment of education, the average length of the school term for 
the whites for the year 1910 was 9.41 months, and only one 
out of the 23 counties had less than 9 months, and 11 of them 
had 10 months each. ^ On the other hand, the average length 
of term in schools for the colored was 6.9 in 22 counties (one 
county not reporting). As compared with the uniformity in 
the term of the white schools, there is noticeable disproportion 
in the length of the school terms for the colored. The follow- 
ing will illustrate this disparity : in the total of 507 colored 
public schools, 58 had a school term of A]/^ months, 113 of 
5 months, 38 of 5^ months, 56 of 6 months, 14 of 6^4 
months, 35 of 7 months, 102 of 7^ months, 18 of 8 months, 
23 of 9 months, and 50 of 10 months. The variations of the 
school terms for most of the schools of the several counties 
from the average term for all the schools are so pronounced 
that they seem to indicate some principle of causation. Now, 
if one will take the further step of comparing the length of 
the school term for the colored for each of the counties, with 
the relative proportions between the white and negro school 
population for 1910, he will be struck by the fact that in all 
the counties where the school term is from 9 to 10 months, 
the proportion of colored to white is extremely small ; and 
that in those counties where the school term for the colored 
is shortest, the proportion of colored to white is much greater 
than in the counties where their schools continue much 
longer. ^ We should like if we could to attribute the in- 
equalities in school opportunities and the differences in eco- 
nomic prosperity, that would appear by further analysis, to so 
much of one kind of causation and to so much of another 
kind. We should like, for example, to say 30 per cent, of 
these inequalities is traceable to the indifference of the whites 

1 Cf. Report Department of Education of Maryland for 1910, p. 20. 

2 Ibid., pp. 21, 209-425. 



104 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

to the education of the negro ; that 30 per cent, is due to the 
peculiar social character of the negro himself ; and that 40 
per cent, is due to the economic conditions and limitations of 
the negro. In respect to this, it is but proper to admit that, 
in so far as we are able to judge, data have not yet been col- 
lected from which an adequate analysis of causation can be 
made for this purpose. If a fuller knowledge of the attitude 
taken toward the improvement of the public roads in the 
various parts of the South could be had, with the additional 
knowledge of the differences in the numbers of negroes and 
whites for the same areas, — such knowledge would, in all 
probability, re-enforce the conclusions reached by the pre- 
ceding analyses and comparisons relating to public education. 
A study likewise of the prosperity and advancement of the 
various sections along many lines, if made in accordance with 
the preceding method, would, it is believed, show the exist- 
ence of the same relations. 

However, with the data presented in this essay, it is hoped 
that at least a beginning has been made toward a correlation 
of local ethnic composition with social effects that relate to the 
welfare of both negroes and whites, and that by further anal- 
ysis of the tables by the methods indicated in this thesis, and 
by the collection of further data along the same lines, some- 
thing may be done to further the solution of the negro prob- 
lem. 



CHAPTER IX 

CONCLUSION 

The temptation that confronts probably a large per cent, 
of writers on social, economic, and other questions, is too 
great a readiness at generalization. It is but pertinent on the 
one hand that the person who has been sufficiently interested 
to read all that an author has said on his subject down to the 
concluding word, should, if still interested in the argument, 
demand that also. On the other hand, it is not the least dif- 
ficult thing for the author to refrain from predicating more 
of his thesis than the data, howsoever abundant, will fully 
warrant him in making. The chance in the case of most in- 
vestigations usually is that other data will subsequently 
appear, which may modify or reverse the conclusions. Gen- 
eralizations must, therefore, be made, if at all, cautiously, 
guardedly ; and be restricted to the limits of the particular in- 
vestigation for which they are intended, with the possible ap- 
plication to such other phenomena as are known to be similar 
and similarly related. 

It has been the purpose of the writer throughout this in- 
vestigation to deal with facts and figures establishing the gen- 
eral thesis of social solidarity and inequalities in race condi- 
tions and opportunities in the South, particularly through the 
period of slavery ; and also to present original data showing 
the persistence, at the present time, of the social forces in the 
ante-bellum South. 

Although the nature of the subject and the period covered 
have made it inevitable that we should deal much with apolo- 
getic on the one hand, and polemic on the other, the writer 
has desired to be unpartisan and impartial in the presentation 
of the "warring" arguments. 

In referring our study to the question of the white man 
and the negro in the South, we think it can be maintained that 
various phases of the negro problem, as has been true of 
the liquor problem, must be dealt with locally, first and last ; 
that in so far as whole states or all the states of the Union unite 
on a common policy which shall be suited to smaller areas and 
localities, all will be well. But if the social codes and mores 



106 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

of the white people in those communities which are thickly 
settled by the negro population, prescribe policies and 
methods for their local self-government and growth, which 
shall be denied or disallowed by state or national govern- 
ment, the denial will come to naught, the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment to the Constitution to the contrary, notwithstanding. 
From actual presence and contact with the negro race, the 
white man evolves the expedient and immediate, and withal, 
effectual, methods of dealing with that race. This at least 
has been the history of the inter-relation of the races in the 
southern states, and it has been as true in the regions pre- 
dominantly negro as anywhere else. Lynchings have seldom 
been thwarted by interference of state officials where frenzied 
mobs of whites have been determined on their course of sum- 
mary punishment; just as the elimination of the negro from 
politics in the South has as yet met with no interference from 
the federal government. It is not to be understood that we speak 
approvingly of lynchings, as we are illustrating the point 
only that the solution of the negro problem in the nature 
of the case must depend essentially upon the conditions which 
prevail in the local communities, and upon the social mind 
of the white population in actual presence and contact with 
the negro ; for only in such circumstances can the peculiar 
character of inter-racial relations be adequately known to the 
members of both races. 

The failure of the carpet-bag rule in the South, and the 
immediate, ill-timed enfranchisement of untutored, ignorant 
freedmen have been convincing memorials of the futility and 
great unadvisedness of resorting to premature, artificial 
methods in the interest of adjusting the relations between the 
negro and the white man in the southern states. Co-ercion 
from the outside, in so far as it has been in the interest of some 
device or scheme, however well-intentioned, if ill-suited to the 
conditions peculiar to southern life, has missed the mark. 

The question of better schools, local taxation, compulsory 
education, of good roads, of self-improvement of every kind, 
with the dominant tendency what it is, in the future as in the 
past, must be left largely to the local authorities. The segre- 
gation of the negro more and more into those areas where 
he is adapted to the common life about him ; to the pur- 
suits and occupations for which he has a greater fit- 



Conclusion 107 

ness ; where numerically he is an important and perplexing 
factor in the population, far outnumbering, as he does, the 
white man in the same regions — these are some of the phases 
of the white man's and the negro man's problem in which its 
characteristic local coloring comes into the foreground. The 
economic differentiation, likewise, which is rapidly going on 
in the upland belts of the South, bringing the whites together 
in ever-increasing disproportion numerically to the negro in 
the same belts, is the counterpart of the segregation of the 
negro, emphasizing alike the importance in the disparity of 
population numbers, and the peculiar character and condi- 
tions which inhere in the respective local communities. It is on 
this principle that we can understand why a town or county 
in the upland belt, where there are few negroes to the total 
population, votes for local taxation to supplement school terms, 
or experiments in compulsory education, while many another 
town or county overwhelmingly negro in population lags be- 
hind for years. 

Here is another situation, therefore, where the importance' 
of numbers is realized. The increasing interest in most of 
the southern states in local taxation to support the schools 
show's the gradual relinquishment by the southern white man 
of his previous method — that where previously he would not 
vote local taxation because the negro child would be an 
equal sharer in the benefits accruing therefrom — he is to-day 
fast voting a local tax. He has decided he cannot in justice 
to his own child withhold the blessings of knowledge and bet- 
ter equipment simply because, forsooth, increased taxation for 
schools will likewise result in the better educational and moral 
advancement of members of the black race. But he has come 
to this conclusion not because socially he feels drawn to the 
negro any more than formerly, not from motives of charity 
and philanthropy to the negro race, verily. Social feeling 
and potential race antipathy are still there, only they are 
more in abeyance in some matters and aspects of social de- 
velopment and progress than formerly. And this is a hope- 
ful sign. It shows that progress by the negro race is more 
tolerable indeed to the white man of the South than it 
was some years ago. The southern white man can tolerate 
the presence of the negro in the professions, in w^hich, many 
years ago before that stage in the development of the negro 



108 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

was reached, he could not do so. But even to-day there is a 
pretty definitely understood mode and code under which the 
professional negro shall practise his trade. 

It will be possible for the South to have a relatively large 
number of things for the negro to do, a larger and larger num- 
ber of industrial and professional callings in which he may be 
enlisted, and unmolested perform his work, but the evidence so 
far seems to support the belief that, as professional, he will 
work, not in consultation and co-operation so much with white 
men of the same profession. He will work mostly alone ; not 
that the white man in a profession will not cheerfully advise and 
counsel as he thinks for the best interest of both races. But 
the idea of social equality or anything approaching it, is as 
much tabooed as ever. ^ 

We have shown that subsidiary to the plantation life and 
development, were the important facts of a unified industry 
and a homogeneous population. In addition there were 
numerous other influences and causes, such as a common his- 
tory and tradition among the whites, and the constant inter- 
play of psychological reaction, all of which were confirmatory 
knd promotive of social solidarity. Acting and living their 
lives under a similar environment and having a common 
physical background and occupation for the excitation and 
stimulation of their bodily organisms, a oneness in ambition 
and ideal of what their surroundings and achievements in 
life should be, came more and more to be shared by all classes. 

What of social solidarity in the South at the present time ? 
Is the term used only in the restricted sense of social feeling 
among the whites in respect to the negro? No. But it seems 
that the social feeling in respect to the negro is much the same 
throughout the South, and to that extent it might be main- 
tained that social solidarity remains unbroken in the South. 
In. recent years there has been increasing legislation in a ma- 
jority of the southern states, moulded out of what was pre- 
viously common law and practice ; much of which has tended 
to discriminate against the negro. Every student of social 
conditions in the South readily recognizes the persistence of 
the race feeling, and perceives how on inevitable grounds it 
is receiving increasing recognition not alone among legisla- 
tors, but among social thinkers and students of every class. 

1 Cf. G. T. Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law, pp. 124-159. 



Conclusion 109 

The economic development in the South for the last few 
decades, making signal departures from the former system 
of land culture alone, to engagement in manufacturing indus- 
tries on a large scale, is both significant and encouraging. The 
change toward modification and diversity in industry where 
the white man and the negro will be separated in their 
work by the economic law of selection, has, without doubt, al- 
ready done much to stimulate social thinking and to make 
possible social and moral advancement hitherto unknown and 
undreamed among an appreciable per cent, of the population of 
the southern states. The increasing trend toward manufac- 
ture is fast bringing together large numbers of the rural 
poorer white population and rapidly building towns and cities 
where before was only a hamlet or the uncleared forest ; is 
building up commerce and trade, erecting attractive schools and 
churches, providing hospitals and asylums, and is thus making 
attractive homes for the thrifty, industrious white population 
that hitherto were scattered necessarily over wide areas, 
where for honest toil they were often requited with only a 
scant subsistence. In their new environment, where a larger 
and larger number and variety of wholesome interests 
appeals to them and their children ; where frequent and ample 
opportunity is afforded the population to organize themselves 
into clubs and fraternities for the cultivation of fellow-feeling 
and mutual respect ; where, when occasion calls for it, they 
can by concerted action, afifect for good a whole community 
or state, — under such conditions much of the history of the 
new South is now being made. 

Such it seems to us are some of the social and economic 
forces now coming to the fore in southern development, which 
stand in sharp contrast to the older order. At the present 
time it is true ; and unless the signs change, in the future it will 
be more true, that the social solidarity which has grown out 
of or depended upon the more primitive and elementary facts 
of nature, will be less and less possible. With economic dif- 
ferentiation spreading rapidly over the South, and with 
the economic principle of selection segregating the pop- 
ulation, the white man and the negro are doing less 
and less the same sort of labor, and in the further 
and more complete difiFerentiation in economic develop- 
ment, there is reason to believe that the white popu- 



110 Social Solidarity and Race Inequalities 

lation, as has been true in the past, will supply the labor 
for the skilled occupations, while the negro will remain in 
the field ; or if in the town will continue to do menial service 
for the whites ; or if in the professions, pursue his calling among 
the people of his own race. But even with numerous new de- 
velopments, the time of a happy solution is not yet. And let 
not the philanthropist become weary in well-doing; for some 
kinds of beneficence are wrought only by waiting, even when a 
thousand years are as one day. 

The increasing saneness and statesman-like attitude of the 
northern man to the problems confronting the white and 
negro races in their inter-social relations are among the most 
hopeful signs of the times. There is increasing recognition 
that in the matter of race affinities and antipathies it is the 
part of wise men to let nature do her perfect work; to coun- 
tenance as little as possible resort to artificial methods in deal- 
ing with the problem between the races. Time itself shall be 
the elixir, the surer and truer solvent for adjusting and right- 
ing the relations ; time that shall aid in producing a better under- 
standing between the races, in reducing the problem to some- 
what more elementary terms ; time that shall ultimately make 
the masses willing to look at the problem with unveiled faces, 
and to trust to the man of science as well as of religion for 
a reasonable hope of final satisfactory adjustment. 



VITA 

The author of this dissertation was born in Newton 
Grove, North CaroHna, March 28, 1879. He received the 
degree of A.B. from Trinity College (N. C.) in 1905. From 
1906 to 1909 he was a student in Union Theological Seminary 
(N. Y.) and received a diploma of graduation in 1909. From 
February, 1907, to June, 1911, he pursued courses in Columbia 
University in Sociology, Economics and Statistics, under Pro- 
fessors F. H. Giddings, J. B. Clark, H. L. Moore and Dr. A. A. 
Tenney, and received in 1908 the degree of M. A. 



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